on expectations and behaviour (Berger et al, 1980). For example, individuals expect others toperform better at tasks that are appropriate or compatible with their gender (e.g., Karakowsky &McBey, 2001). This has important implications for behavior in mixed-gender groups, since itsuggests that perceptions of relative status or expertise can arise as a consequence of gender-biasedtasks and specifically of perceptions of congruence or incongruence with the perceived genderorientationof the group’s task.Numerous scholars have suggested that through experience, individuals come to sharebeliefs about the extent to which tasks are linked to gender (e.g., Piliavin & Martin, 1978; Wood &Karten, 1986). Masculine- and feminine-typed jobs are not necessarily equally distributed at worklargely because professional, managerial and many technical jobs have been dominated for longperiods of time by men and thus continue to be perceived as masculine despite recent increases in theentry of women (Vancouver & Ilgen, 1989). In team contexts, when a team member’s gender isincongruent with the perceived gender-orientation of the team’s task, that team member will be lesslikely to engage in power displays. Incongruent gender-biased tasks can trigger perceptions ofbeing “out of one’s territory” and consequently can reduce the tendency to display power orinfluence (e.g., Dovidio, Brown, Heltman, Ellyson & Keating, 1988). While both men and womenare affected by congruence or incongruence with the perceived gender-orientation of the task,previous research suggests that men are more resistant to changes in task-based cues, and will beless affected by incongruence with the task’s gender-orientation (Lenney, 1977; Vancouver &Ilgen, 1989). In addition, men tend to adhere more strongly to traditional gender role beliefs (e.g.,Spence & Hahn, 1997; Twenge, 1997) and experience greater cultural pressure to conform tosuch beliefs (Herek, 1986) compared to women. For women, diffuse status cues and socializedgender roles create a greater burden and consequently are more likely to be negatively affected byincongruence with the gender-orientation of the task (Berger et al, 1980). For example, a numberof studies have shown that found that women's self-confidence tends to vary as a function ofperceived gender-orientation of the task, while men's self-confidence remains relatively stable acrosstasks (e.g., Carr, Thomas & Mednick, 1985).In line with the assertions outlined above, we predict that the decrease in interruptionbehavior among individuals, as they move from male-dominated to female-dominated groups,will be greatest among women performing gender-incongruent tasks (the male-stereotyped task).In other words, in addition to the inhibiting influence of female-dominated groups on powerdisplays, gender-incongruent tasks will act as a further impediment. And, according to theresearch cited above, this effect will be greater for women than for men.Hypothesis 4Incongruence with the gender-orientation of the group’s task will result in greater decrements ininterruption behavior for women compared to men, as they move from male-dominated tofemale-dominated work groups.An obvious question that arises from our examination above is – what are theconsequences of interruption behavior for group members? While the literature has viewedinterruption behavior as a reflection of power or status, it is also important to consider whethersuch power displays ultimately enhance a member’s status in the group. Consequently, anadditional aim of this study was to examine whether interruption behavior has any impact onperceived status in a group – does such behavior reinforce status perceptions? One way to addressthis question is to consider whether group members who engage in higher rates of interruptionbehavior are more likely to be viewed as exerting greater influence or leadership in the group.Goktepe & Schneier (1989) defined emergent leaders as members who lack formalauthority over other members but nonetheless exert significant influence over other members.4
That is, a group member will emerge as a leader in the group only if he/she is perceived as such.Consequently, at least one important relationship that needs to be explored is the relationshipbetween interruption behavior and perceptions of influence or emergent leadership in the group.Given that interruptions are a violation of turn-taking norms, this behavior has beenlinked to dominance, power and status (Smith-Lovin & Brody, 1989). However, there isevidence that dominance behavior is, in fact, an ineffective means of gaining influence in taskgroups (e.g., Driskell, Olmstead & Salas, 1993; Ridgeway, 1987; Ridgeway & Diekema, 1989).Ridgeway (1987) found that dominance cues actually generated negative reactions from othergroup members. Ridgeway & Berger (1986) suggested that dominance cues do not imply taskcompetence but are typically perceived as individually motivated attempts to gain power.Consequently, the individual who displays dominance behavior is more likely to be seen asmotivated by self-interest rather than by a group orientation (Driskell et al, 1993).Given the perception of negative interruptions as disruptive displays of dominance, thereis reason to predict that such behavior will impede a member’s ability to be viewed as influentialor leader-like. While a number of studies have found that women who displayed assertiveleadership behavior in task groups were judged more negatively than were their male counterparts(e.g., Butler & Geis, 1990; Eagly, Makhijani & Klonsky 1992), these findings are at best mixed,with more recent studies finding no differences in perceptions of male and female leaders in taskgroups (e.g., Lucas & Lovaglia, 1998). Consequently, our predictions regarding the consequencesof interruption behavior for emergent leadership rankings do not differ for male or female groupmembers. Specifically, we predict that the relationship between emergent leadership rankingsand interruption behavior will be negative for both men and women.Hypothesis 5Interruption behavior is negatively correlated with perceived leadership behavior for both men andwomen in a work group context.SampleMethod216 university students from undergraduate business programs in two large North Americanuniversities (108 men, 108 women) were randomly assigned to 36 groups with six participants pergroup. A total usable sample of 197 (103 men and 94 women) of the 216 participants wereincluded in the analyses. Participation in this study was part of a course assignment whichrequired students to engage in videotaped group discussions of several business cases. Thestudents were informed that there would be voluntary questionnaires to complete as part of astudy in examining group decision-making, however they were unaware of the specifichypotheses of this study.DesignThe hypotheses were tested via a laboratory study. The independent variables of interestwere: gender of the participant, the gender-orientation of the task or task-gender (male-stereotypedtask, female-stereotyped task), and the participant's proportional representation in the groupaccording to their gender (referred to as Numerical Status). This latter factor was determined by thesubject’s random assignment to one of three types of mixed-gender work groups: male-dominated(five men, one woman), female-dominated (five women, one man) and balanced (three men andthree women) groups.5
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al., 1995). However, the distinctio
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ise to strong pressures for conform
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presented with a complete list of a
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Table 3QAP Regression Coefficients
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ConclusionResearchers of social inf
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suggestions for further research.
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performing on the job.” Presumabl
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positively related to performance i
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proposed hypotheses were supported.
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ConclusionThis research has made se
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Be more enthusiastic and exert extr
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Table 2Correlations Among the Laten
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performance expectations on feedbac
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changements qui s’opèrent dans l
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structures, politiques, systèmes,
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comportements liés à la communica
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Tableau 2Échelles de mesure de la
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prédiction des compétences clés
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organisation n’est pas uniforme e
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complètement ce construit. Ces cha
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Wagner, R.K. and Sternberg, R.J. (1
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What is a toxin handler?In two arti
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potentially limited scope and conte
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work role demands. In this survey,
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The three factors in this rotated f
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and service orientation, the abilit
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ASAC 2003Halifax, Nova ScotiaLisa M
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self-appraisal group reacted more n
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effect of voice are the value-expre
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“Strongly Disagree” to “Stron
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esults suggest that incorporating s
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Personality and Social Psychology,
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Table 1Means, Standard Deviations,
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Table 3Test of the Mediating Role o
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ASAC 2003Halifax, Nova ScotiaAnn Fr
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individual level, polychronicity is
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construct.Drawing on computer-media
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Consequence: Impact on Work Overloa
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Conversation complexity may also mo
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Implications for practiceFuture res
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ReferencesAncona, D.G., Goodman, P.
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no. 3 (1994): 381-391.Macan, T.H.,
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ASAC 2003Halifax, Nova ScotiaIan R.
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Assessing Measures: Affective Commi
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implications of psychological contr
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commitment, affective commitment, c
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Motivational Process Variables. Amo
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DiscussionThe main purpose of this
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approaches zero. In the present stu
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Extension and test of a three-compo
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Table 1Descriptive Statistics and Z
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Table 3Standardized Factor Loadings
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Table 5Hierarchical Regression Anal
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ASAC 2003Halifax, Nova ScotiaJoan F
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ASAC 2003Halifax, Nova ScotiaArla D
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ASAC 2003Halifax, Nova ScotiaIvy Ky
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ASAC 2003Halifax, Nova ScotiaNina D