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Sustaining Generic Medicines Markets in Europe

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<strong>Susta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g</strong> generic medic<strong>in</strong>es markets 34<strong>in</strong> the late 1990s. For drugs <strong>in</strong> short supply, price <strong>in</strong>creases were observed <strong>in</strong> 1999 (Kay andBa<strong>in</strong>es, 2000). In response to this, the Government <strong>in</strong>troduced a statutory price ceil<strong>in</strong>g for thema<strong>in</strong> generic medic<strong>in</strong>es <strong>in</strong> 2000.A new pric<strong>in</strong>g system for Category M generic medic<strong>in</strong>es came <strong>in</strong>to effect <strong>in</strong> 2005 which allowsfreedom of pric<strong>in</strong>g. It also <strong>in</strong>corporates an additional measure to stimulate price competitionbetween generic medic<strong>in</strong>es by enabl<strong>in</strong>g the Department of Health to <strong>in</strong>tervene <strong>in</strong> the marketplaceif trends <strong>in</strong> medic<strong>in</strong>e expenditure suggest that market mechanisms have failed to create pricecompetition. To date, the Department of Health has not availed itself of this measure.6.2.2 Reference pric<strong>in</strong>gThe United K<strong>in</strong>gdom does not have a RPS.6.2.3 Incentives for physiciansA pr<strong>in</strong>cipal factor <strong>in</strong> stimulat<strong>in</strong>g generic medic<strong>in</strong>es use has been the fact that medical students aretaught to prescribe by INN <strong>in</strong> British medical schools. In 2004, 79% of all prescription items wereprescribed by INN <strong>in</strong> England (Health and Social Care Information Centre, 2005).The United K<strong>in</strong>gdom has used medic<strong>in</strong>e budgets to control pharmaceutical expenditure and to<strong>in</strong>cite generic prescrib<strong>in</strong>g by GPs. Initially, medic<strong>in</strong>e budgets were set at the level of the generalpractice under the fundhold<strong>in</strong>g scheme which ran from 1991 to 1997. Although budgets for GPswho did not become fundholders were <strong>in</strong>dicative only, prescrib<strong>in</strong>g behaviour was controlled bypeer pressure and the threat of sanctions for GPs who overspent. Fundhold<strong>in</strong>g practices held anactual budget not only for medic<strong>in</strong>es, but also for outpatient care, diagnostic test<strong>in</strong>g, electivesurgery and community care. Sav<strong>in</strong>gs on the budget could be re<strong>in</strong>vested <strong>in</strong> patient care or couldbe used to upgrade premises and practice-based facilities. Review<strong>in</strong>g the fundhold<strong>in</strong>gexperience, Gosden and Torgerson (1997) concluded that medic<strong>in</strong>e costs of fundhold<strong>in</strong>gpractices had <strong>in</strong>creased at a lower rate as a consequence of <strong>in</strong>creased generic prescrib<strong>in</strong>g thanthose of non-fundholders. However, as fundhold<strong>in</strong>g practices had different characteristics thannon-fundholders, this effect may have stemmed from selection bias rather than from fundhold<strong>in</strong>g.Budgets have also been set for groups of general practices as for example <strong>in</strong> the case of GP andlocality commission<strong>in</strong>g groups, total purchas<strong>in</strong>g pilots and, more recently, primary care trusts. Areview of the first three years of operation of a sample of primary care trusts showed that manytrusts had set generic prescrib<strong>in</strong>g targets supported by <strong>in</strong>centive schemes, prescrib<strong>in</strong>g guidel<strong>in</strong>es

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