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OP POLITICAL THEORIES. 359it be better effected than the ministers who originate theproposals, and must, therefore, best understand their intention ?We need hardly mention that the monarchical principlerequires that the prince should have the power which everyprivate person has, of choosinghis own servants and advisers, and of dismissing them at will. It appears, in fact,almost incredible that this right should ever have been disputed. Chambers which claim the dictation of the servantsand counsellors of a prince, not only invade the province ofgovernment, but by that act declare their prince for ever incapable, and range themselves in a faction, whose objectisto silence every voice but their own.We have thus, according to our plan,traced out the relations which should exist between princesand their chambers,if the monarchical principleis to be maintained. The farther development of them we leave to politicians.But ifany one should think that too much is here allowed to thesovereign, I would refer him to Great Britain, 1 as a proofthat all these conditions may be fulfilled, and the ofBightsthe prince maintained, without infringingthe liberties of thenation. 2This will be an answer, at least to those who desire atrue monarchy and not a republic.In that state a fortunateconcurrence of circumstances has for ages been at work informing the constitution. It is not, therefore, in the situationof the continental states, which have to provide themselveswith a constitution for the first time, and the questioncan-1[How far recent events may have changedtain, and made it inconsistent with the conditions prescribed by Professorthe constitution of Great BriHeeren, the reader may himself determine. One point appears to be generally admitted, if not so generally lamented, viz. that by the destruction of thegovernment boroughs, the crown must henceforth be limited in its choice ofministers to such men as the constituent bodies of the country may, for themoment, be willing to return to parliament.And yet perfect freedom in thisrespect is, by Professor Heeren, considered so essential to the idea of monarchy, as scarcely to call for remark. See above. TR.]2The author trusts that he will not, on this account, be supposed to wishfor the introduction of the entire British constitution into the states of thecontinent He is well aware of the impossibilityof this. And even if it werepossible, he is by no means inclined to think it desirable. A diversity andmultiplicity of constitutions is the inseparable condition of our political, andwith it of our general, improvement But this should not prevent us from deriving some practical hints from so great and prominent an example duejregard being of course had to the situation in which we are placed.To denythat any thing from thence is applicable here, would be as absurd as to assertthat every thing is so.