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RISE OF THE CONTINENTALit likewise in the other, and from noting the points of agreement and difference which they respectively present.It cannot be denied, that if we examine the British policyin the last years of George L, we are unable to trace anyfixed plan of proceeding.An insular state which takes aninterest in the affairs of continentalpowers, can only do so"by virtue of a federative system established on sound principles of policy, and followed up with firmness. We haveseen how the links of this connexion have hitherto been concentrated in England. But at the period of which we arespeaking, those links were so wonderfully complicated, thatthe principleson which they were founded seemed to beforgotten.The connexion with France was renewed, thatwith Austria dissolved, while the confederacies in the Northwere determined by the influence of the combinations formedin the West. The ignorance of the real designs of theforeign states, which we so often see occasion to impute tothe British cabinet, manifested itself at this time in a remarkable manner. Justice, however, requires us also to observe, that the relations of the continental powers to eachother were not the less variable and uncertain, because theywere for the most part determined by the excitement of apersonal and angry hatred.To this cause we must ascribe the wavering policy whichcharacterized those times, and which could not possibly continue without exercising some influence upon England.Nevertheless, in all the activity of the British cabinet at thatperiod, we discover one dominant principle, which was inthe highest degree beneficial, not only to England, but toEurope at large. This principle was the maintenance oipeace. The only questionis whether it always adopted theright method to secure this object.One result of this policy was the congressatCambraywhich began to assemble under the arbitration of Englancand France, in order to separate again, after long delays ancfruitless negotiations, without any decisive issue. Here th