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Volume 4 No 2 - Journal for the Study of Antisemitism

Volume 4 No 2 - Journal for the Study of Antisemitism

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2012] A METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGE 525Jewish conspiracy (without which Israel could not carry out its policies).There<strong>for</strong>e, <strong>the</strong>y would also like to close <strong>the</strong> books on <strong>the</strong> German-Jewishpast.In comparison with <strong>the</strong> no less radical critics <strong>of</strong> Israel who do notdevelop such attitudes, <strong>the</strong>y are somewhat less well in<strong>for</strong>med about <strong>the</strong>Israeli-Palestinian conflict and have somewhat less emotional closeness to<strong>the</strong> conflict. Their peace orientation is somewhat less strongly marked, and<strong>the</strong>ir human rights orientation is somewhat less consistent. They tend somewhatmore strongly to justify limitations on human rights, show a somewhatgreater tendency to moral disengagement and are somewhat less concerned<strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> victims <strong>of</strong> human rights violations (Figure 8).CONCLUSIONSBe<strong>for</strong>e I conclude, I would first like to state briefly how <strong>the</strong> varioustypes <strong>of</strong> critics <strong>of</strong> Israel are distributed in our samples and within <strong>the</strong> electorate<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German political parties (Figure 9):1. The active critics <strong>of</strong> Israel in our online sample show (as expected)no pro-Israeli pattern and position <strong>the</strong>mselves quite antagonisticallyin favor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Palestinians, but <strong>the</strong>y display no antisemitic pattern.2. In <strong>the</strong> online sample <strong>of</strong> active critics <strong>of</strong> Israel, <strong>the</strong> more radicalamong <strong>the</strong> critics <strong>of</strong> Israel who are not antisemitic present <strong>the</strong> patternthat appears most commonly. They are, however, quite rare in<strong>the</strong> German population overall, and none are found in <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong>society (among <strong>the</strong> voters <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CDU/CSU, SPD, and FDP). If wehad made our study merely on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> a representative sample,we would never have been able to identify <strong>the</strong>se patterns, or at leastdifferentiate <strong>the</strong>m, and as a result could not become aware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>danger <strong>of</strong> sliding from radical criticism <strong>of</strong> Israel into (some)antisemitic prejudices.3. Antisemitic criticism <strong>of</strong> Israel is typical <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> neo-Nazis, but is als<strong>of</strong>irmly anchored in <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> society (especially among CDU/CSU voters). With <strong>the</strong> Greens and <strong>the</strong> Linke party, it appears somewhatless <strong>of</strong>ten.4. The suspicion became stronger that with <strong>the</strong> apparent supporters <strong>of</strong>Israel, who tend to position <strong>the</strong>mselves in a pro-Israeli peace framebut mostly do not take any position, latent antisemitism could be inplay: Besides openly antisemitic criticism <strong>of</strong> Israel, this is <strong>the</strong> onlypattern that is found with right-wing extremists (neo-Nazis), and infact more frequently than in all o<strong>the</strong>r parts <strong>of</strong> society. It is againGreen and Linke party voters with whom this pattern is somewhatless common.

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