JOURNAL OF THE IRISH LABOUR HISTORY SOCIETY

REVIEWScontroversy is real history. Yet the book is marred bythe messiaruc roieasswned by the author. There is theassumpiion that no one in political life or in the labourand socialist movement cared as deeply as himself ortried to do as much for the underprivileged. There islittle if any recognition by Browne, the socililist, of thedecades of struggle by the labour movement for thesocial advantage of our people.We are reminded of his 'adamantine stand' onprinciples, that he was the first Cabinet Minister 'seriouslyto concern himSelf with doing something for thesick and aged'. There eventually comes the piece deresistance: 'That was 'my last attempt to drag thereluctant Republic out of the nineteenth century '. Thatsentence swnmarises the spirit of the book and followsan account of the row which erupted, especially in theLabour Party, when in the course of an attack on churchdomination he made a suggestion of 'sexual ambivalenceamong celibate clergy'.'During the course of his career Browne was amember of five political parties: Clann na Poblachta,Fianna Fail, National Progressive Democratic Party,Labour Party and Socialist Labour Party. The latterparty, his last, mysteriously gets no mention whateverin the book. Very few of his mentioned associates inthose parties escape his attacks which are often bitter.The list is lengthy and includes MacBride, de Valera,Norton, Corish, Hartnett, Thorn!ey, Jim Larkin Junior'and Justin Keating. Many of the strictures are welldeserved, some are untrue or stretch credulity whileothers are vindictive. Some personal descriptions aregrossly offensive; his pen picture of William Norton ata banquet shows appallingly bad taste. Some read likecaricatures and are drawn with Dickensian skill. Infact, a photograph of the author shows him holding acopy of the Dickens masterpiece Pickwick Papers!Among the most confusing aspects of the book arereferences to socialism and communism. During hiscareer Browne made some speeches favourable toCommunist States. It is difficult to reconcile suchexperiences with some local witch hunting activities.In 1958 he stated at a meeting in UCD(not quoted in thebook): 'Ireland had a devout and zealous communistunderground, whose members had infiltrated the tradeunion movement, the press, the civil service and politicalparties. If the economic situation in Ireland andBritain worsened the communists would be presentedwith an opportunity to take over the country.'I was then an executive member of the Irish Workers'League. Our reaction to this statement was one ofshock. We delegated our Secretary MichaeI O'Riordanto interview Browne. He was to point out to him that wewere an open organisation, we were not undergroundand would he explain,Browne's response to 0' Rlordan w as to assure himthat he had not the IWL in mind, that he admired us aswe had nailed our colours to the mast. He had others inmind and proceeded to mention names which may notbe disclosed. The whole outburst was a farrago ofnonsense.' The motive? Possibly a tactic to counterwitch-hunting activities against himself. It is part of theenigma which characterises much of Browne's politicalcar~r.- TJlls enigma finds further expression in a chapter ofthe book entitled 'The Left In Ireland'. It isa strangetortuous. mishcmash. Reflecting the statement onCommunists aITeady quoted we find him stating thatthey (the Communists) were compelled to adopt threebroad strategies. One was for certain members to 'fade'into various key activities and 'wait'. There were thecommitted open Communists and then th(!re ""as thethird group which would enter a competing left winggroup, cause a split' and so eliminate it'. No authorityis quoted to support these allegations. Maybe he isrelying from memory on police reports to which he wasprivy when a member of the Cabinet. In fact, Browneadmits at the beginning that he kept no records andrelies heavily on his own memories and that of others.One must ask at times how reliable is Browne's memory.Police reports are often notoriously unreliable.Despite such theorising Browne did have somesympathy with the small harassed Communist movement.In fact while not being explicit about himself herecords that his wife Phyllis 'accepts the Marxist analysisof society'. He admires Grarnsci whom he describedas a Socialist rather than the Communist which he was.His references to Labour Party leaders are exclusivelyhostile extending to Jim Larkin Junior. He describesthe latter as 'a deeply conservative member ofthe Labour Party who like Justin Keating became itsmost notoriously right wing disciplinarian'. This isoutrageously false and damages badly Browne 's credibility.His main targets however, are William Norton,the Labourleader, andSeanMacBride. He really shaftsthese two men both politically and morally, On the leftthere would be broad agreement with his politicalindictments, reaction to many of his non-politicalcomments on these men would be mixed.Browne's role in the Mother and Child Schemecontroversy must determine his place in history. In awell documented account he gives his version of therelevant events in some detail. James Deeny, who wasthen the Chief Medical Officer in the Department ofHealth in a hostile review of Against the Tide challengessome of Browne's facts and claimed achievementsespecially respecting the building and financingof hospitals. He objects toBrowne taking credit forprojects already in hand and states' achievements in thehealth service are rarely brought -aoout by the action ofone man'. He admits, however, that there were someprojects like chest surgery for which Browne wasresponsible and he concedes that the latter did energeticallyadvance schemes which had been in preparation.The facts ofBrowne's courageous stand agaihst the55