JOURNAL OF THE IRISH LABOUR HISTORY SOCIETY

REVIEWS,63the book by means of an amalgam of autobiography andanalysis of the state of the socialism in a number ofcontemporary societies: .The book contains five main chapters, each cOntributingto the development of his central thesis concerningthe way forward for socialists in contemporarysociety. The firSt two chapters follow the course of theauthor's early life in a working.class community in theEast of Scotland and onwards through his return toeducation at N ewbattle Abbey and Ruskin. Chapter ~meprovides a colourful and descriptive insight into 'workingclass life in that part of Scotland from the 1930sonwards and reveals the formative influences on Youngin his development towards being a 'professional histo- .rian',and a 'democratic socialist' . Although the particularmedium through which he chooses to articulate thisearly part of the book suffers, by its very nature, froma degree of subjective selectivity, it is nevertheless aninteresting and illuminating device, if only because itleaves the reader with more questions than answers.The author, by means of this autobiographicalexploration of his early life, not only allows us aninsight into the privations of working class existenceduring this period but also, more importantly, laysstress on the divisions, bigotries, prejudices and contradictionswithin the working class community of hisyouth. If for nothing else, this book is laudable for itseffective destruction of the superficial romanticism ofthe 'Kailyard' school of Scottish writing. However, thequality which exerts itself most strongly in this chapter,and indeed throughout the book, is the optimism exhibitedin the political potential of the working class to bethe conscious harbingers of radical change within oursociety. Chapter two, in which the author describes hisexperiences at Newbattle and Ruskin against the politicallyvolatile backcloth of post-war Europe and America,again provides the reader with a number of interestinginsights both into the political development of theauthor himself and into the debates and characters ofthe British Left at that time.The latter part of the book contains chapters onPoland (which includes an interesting discussion on therelationship between the Catholic Church and the rulingCommunist Party); and another on 'ContemporaryScotland' in which he explores the dynamic betweennationalism and socialism, the emergence of a popularand irreverent counter-culture, and the potential for thefuture development of socialism in Scotland. Finally,he defends his polemic against what he secs as theredundant pessimism of 'socialist intellectualism'.In conclusion, this is a book worth reading both forwhat it has to say (and perhaps for what it does not say)and for the way in which it says it. Its style and presentationmake it accessible to a wide r'ange of potentialreaders throughout the trade union and labour movement.Kenny ChrlstlneRonaldo Munck, The Difficult Dialogue: Marxismand Nationalism, (Zed Books, LOndon, & AtlanticHighlands, New Jersey, 1986), pp. 184, no priceAny book on Marxism and Nationalism is welcomein the hope thatit might illuminate what Munck labels'The Difficult Dialogue'. He offers a basically chronologicaljourney; the treatment is economical and inforcmative, the test is a handy guide for anyone seeking apath tln:"9ugh thi§ swamp. Significant figures and themesare introduced and analysed. The scope is wide and iscertainly free from Eurocentrism. But sometimes thepace is too brisk. There is a staccato-like tendency toorganise the material too much around quotations fromauthorities. On occasions, Munck's own argumentsbecome submerged beneath a concern to incorporate awealth of reference within a relatively brief text Indeedthis is that rare phenomenon, a book that couldhave been lengthened with profit.Any treatment of this complex topic surely requirestwo strands. One is the analysis of the protagonists'arguments. How do they define their key concepts?How coherent are their arguments? How do a specificwriter's claims relate to other positions in the Marxisttradition? Yet there is also a need to relate theoreticalclaims to an often recalcitrant world. Some ofMunck' shistorical references are both significant andcontroversial.For example, in discussing the collapse of Socialistinternationalism in August 1914, he suggests (p. 36)• that there had been an 'ebbing of the anti-militaristmovement amongst the European working class'. Thesupporting evidence is limited and ambiguous. TheOctober 1912 mobilisation of Berlin workers againstwar ignores the basic distinction between opposition towar in the abstract and opposition to a specific andimmediate war threat. The anti-war declaration of theSocialist International 's Basle Congress should be seenas a formal decision within an institution backed by fewresources, not as clear evidence of working class opinion.These are difficult yet fundamental questions, butthey must be faced if the complexities of the dialogueare to be appreciated. Arguably the lack of historicaldepth weakens the treatment of Ireland.Munck suggests that the Irish case produced significantdevelopments in the thinking of Marx andEngels on the National Question, but he could havepenetrated further into their specific analysis. Oneconcern by the end of the 1860s was clearly instrumental.It was based on the judgment that Anglo-Irishtensions within the working class in Britain had. aderadicalising impact on the British Labour movement.The conflict combined economic and national rivalries.The consequence for Marx was clear: 'This antagonism... is the secret of the impotence of the Englishworking class ... q. A response to this diagnosis must be complex.Anti-Irish prejudice was politically significant, but