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Preface

After culture complete

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94<br />

own presuppositions is also a first step away from a pervasive<br />

ethnocentrism which scholarly studies may subtly perpetuate by<br />

searching for an essence, at worst imported outright, at best by<br />

reifying what happens among the people with whom they work.<br />

Despite – or even because of – the amount of research on Bali,<br />

how little we know is becoming clear. The plethora of<br />

unexamined, but relevant, indigenous treatises and the degree of<br />

local variation alone suggest that generalizations are pretty<br />

spurious. Much of the material has reported assertions in<br />

particular situations as fact, and fact as truth. What we have<br />

mostly is a smattering of textual sources, partial dynastic<br />

chronicles and legal codes, the opinions of well-informed<br />

informants (priests, headmen, and marginal men; but rarely<br />

women) taken out of context and mapped onto nebulous<br />

paradigms of Western intellectual history, without regard for<br />

Balinese epistemological criteria. Balinese culture remains largely<br />

an invention of its commentators. There is much in Daniel<br />

Heinsius of Ghent’s motto:<br />

How much there is that we do not know!<br />

Afterthoughts<br />

In taking issue with some of the presuppositions we borrow to<br />

account for other peoples’ doings, I am only hinting at the tip of<br />

an iceberg. When scholars extrapolate a set of symbols, or when<br />

they describe another culture in terms of how people there<br />

‘construct’ or ‘negotiate’ their culture, what precisely are they<br />

doing? Is the implication that the existence of symbols or<br />

evidence of negotiation explains why people do what they do? To<br />

assume this would be to import further presuppositions of our<br />

own, about the relation of collective representations and events,<br />

about the relation of thought and action, and ideas about what<br />

constitutes an explanation which are far from fixed but a matter of<br />

our own cultural fashion. The explanation of action is a<br />

notoriously tricky business (see Anscombe 1957; White 1968).<br />

The sheer difficulties in providing an account of ordinary<br />

everyday behaviour in terms of the available models of intention,<br />

reason, cause and motive, suggests the potential weaknesses of our<br />

own ideas and another good reason not to impose them on others.

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