Preface
After culture complete
After culture complete
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266<br />
complex, differentiated agent. It is not the prince alone who is the<br />
agent that organizes the dedication of the temple. As the play<br />
makes clear, it is never even conceived that the prince could do<br />
this without the dedicated activity of his wife, his close retainers<br />
and lesser local functionaries, here represented by a village head<br />
and an old villager. This last is from a lineage whose hereditary<br />
job it is to oversee and take on key tasks (ngukuhin, to make the<br />
work firm, solid). Similarly, in this play as in others, the servants<br />
are not mere mouthpieces of the prince, but are partly agents in<br />
their own right in elaborating and developing statements made by<br />
the prince. The puzzle is less about the strange nature of Balinese<br />
(and, by extension, other South East Asian and ‘oriental’ ideas) of<br />
leadership and power than it is about why anthropologists are so<br />
determined to foist a strange and distinctly ethnocentric idea of<br />
agency upon their subjects of study. 224<br />
Just before the extract begins, the two servants asked the prince<br />
what they should do in order that their lives should not be wasted.<br />
He replied that they should praise God. Wijil took this as referring<br />
to two things. First, one should not to be dilatory when taking part<br />
in the work for religious festivals. Second, one should not listen<br />
to the sort of people who say that making a living is more<br />
important than performing rites. (From what I can judge, this is<br />
less a reference to any organized contemporary secularism in Bali<br />
than it is to the recognized danger of peoples’ effort going<br />
increasingly into making money with the massive growth of the<br />
tourist and art industries.) The centrality of God is absolute and<br />
the success of all activities hinges upon this. Besides devotion to<br />
Divinity, humans should perform acts of offering. 225 The prince<br />
referred to rites to demons or the elements, and to the dead. The<br />
Panasar and Wijil specified what this was using immediate<br />
examples, which had taken place during the previous week. The<br />
most important was Panca Wali Krama, a very large set of rites<br />
held in the ‘central temple’ of Besakih as a preamble to<br />
224<br />
The vision of the individual-as-agent has, of course, a long history of (ritual?)<br />
celebration, exemplified nicely by that most American of culture industries, Hollywood,<br />
where complex historical and social processes are reduced to, and identified with, the<br />
actions of heroes. The extraordinary closure and narrative simplification necessary to<br />
credit a single individual with agency over world-historical processes continues to<br />
permeate supposedly impartial academic judgement.<br />
225 Of the five kinds of yadnya, apart from those to Divinity (déwayadnya), there are also<br />
resiyadnya, rites for priests (not discussed here); pitrayadnya, rites for the dead;<br />
butayadnya, rites to demons or element(al)s; and lastly manusayadnya, rites for the living.