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Preface

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266<br />

complex, differentiated agent. It is not the prince alone who is the<br />

agent that organizes the dedication of the temple. As the play<br />

makes clear, it is never even conceived that the prince could do<br />

this without the dedicated activity of his wife, his close retainers<br />

and lesser local functionaries, here represented by a village head<br />

and an old villager. This last is from a lineage whose hereditary<br />

job it is to oversee and take on key tasks (ngukuhin, to make the<br />

work firm, solid). Similarly, in this play as in others, the servants<br />

are not mere mouthpieces of the prince, but are partly agents in<br />

their own right in elaborating and developing statements made by<br />

the prince. The puzzle is less about the strange nature of Balinese<br />

(and, by extension, other South East Asian and ‘oriental’ ideas) of<br />

leadership and power than it is about why anthropologists are so<br />

determined to foist a strange and distinctly ethnocentric idea of<br />

agency upon their subjects of study. 224<br />

Just before the extract begins, the two servants asked the prince<br />

what they should do in order that their lives should not be wasted.<br />

He replied that they should praise God. Wijil took this as referring<br />

to two things. First, one should not to be dilatory when taking part<br />

in the work for religious festivals. Second, one should not listen<br />

to the sort of people who say that making a living is more<br />

important than performing rites. (From what I can judge, this is<br />

less a reference to any organized contemporary secularism in Bali<br />

than it is to the recognized danger of peoples’ effort going<br />

increasingly into making money with the massive growth of the<br />

tourist and art industries.) The centrality of God is absolute and<br />

the success of all activities hinges upon this. Besides devotion to<br />

Divinity, humans should perform acts of offering. 225 The prince<br />

referred to rites to demons or the elements, and to the dead. The<br />

Panasar and Wijil specified what this was using immediate<br />

examples, which had taken place during the previous week. The<br />

most important was Panca Wali Krama, a very large set of rites<br />

held in the ‘central temple’ of Besakih as a preamble to<br />

224<br />

The vision of the individual-as-agent has, of course, a long history of (ritual?)<br />

celebration, exemplified nicely by that most American of culture industries, Hollywood,<br />

where complex historical and social processes are reduced to, and identified with, the<br />

actions of heroes. The extraordinary closure and narrative simplification necessary to<br />

credit a single individual with agency over world-historical processes continues to<br />

permeate supposedly impartial academic judgement.<br />

225 Of the five kinds of yadnya, apart from those to Divinity (déwayadnya), there are also<br />

resiyadnya, rites for priests (not discussed here); pitrayadnya, rites for the dead;<br />

butayadnya, rites to demons or element(al)s; and lastly manusayadnya, rites for the living.

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