Preface
After culture complete
After culture complete
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244<br />
and arbitrary semantic oppositions waiting to be filled, not itself the<br />
imposition of a historically particular epistemological moment onto the<br />
world? And who empowers themselves to colour in the expectant spaces<br />
on this world canvas? Is a post-Saidian appeal to the necessities of colonial<br />
power and knowledge in constituting ‘alterity’ a sufficient solution? If<br />
European nation states were as powerful as often presumed, what purposes<br />
were served in repetitively caricaturing those whom they had conquered, or<br />
were about to? How much were representations a striving after recognition<br />
and a need to imagine selves and others accordingly? Balinese-Dutch<br />
dealings between 1817 and 1908 suggest something of this kind was going<br />
on, a recognition in the end partly denied the Dutch as masters by their<br />
foremost would-be subjects’ suicide in a neat narrative self-termination. 195<br />
Most of the authors on Bali whom I have cited wrote on the post-<br />
Independence period. Short of postulating some post-colonial<br />
epistemological imperialism, why did these authors, whether compulsively<br />
or unthinkingly, cannibalize and reiterate previous representations, under<br />
such different intellectual, social and political circumstances? Mead and<br />
Bateson stated their aim as the scientific establishment of cultural<br />
difference with Bali as the laboratory. Is this an adequate explanation of<br />
their successors’ purposes? Phrased in these terms, have not Bali and<br />
Balinese become mainly important as objects of academic and tourist<br />
indulgence? They are above all objects of our not so recondite pleasures. I<br />
am not convinced though that one can ask such ‘why’ questions without<br />
falling into the essentialist trap of postulating some originary intention.<br />
Perhaps we should think instead in terms of the consequences of<br />
motivations, which look quite different in historical retrospect. Sadly, it<br />
might be that, with so many descriptive and narrative devices available, it<br />
has simply become professional practice to use them. If replicating past,<br />
partly forgotten and underdetermined motives and practices is part of<br />
professionalizing anthropology, then there is much to be said against<br />
professionalization. One of Pirandello’s characters in search of an author<br />
however gave as good an answer as any:<br />
A fact is like a sack which won’t stand up when it is empty. In order<br />
that it may stand up, one has to put into it the reason and sentiment<br />
which caused it to exist.<br />
195 I rely here on Margaret Wiener’s work (1995a, 1995b 1999, in press), including her<br />
nuanced analysis of the extent to which the Dutch strove to obtain Balinese recognition of<br />
their power and superiority. On the other hand, she shows quite how far certain Balinese<br />
royal representations succeeded in obliterating the Dutch and their claims to agency in<br />
Balinese narratives about this period.