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Preface

After culture complete

After culture complete

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18<br />

this reason, the ragbag theory of culture seems to me incoherent. It leads<br />

however to a more radical thesis.<br />

Taken further the ragbag argument dispenses with culture altogether in<br />

almost all the senses outlined above. Customs may not be coherent or<br />

compatible with one another by any given set of criteria. More important,<br />

we need not presuppose the intellectual practices of scholars are necessarily<br />

commensurable either. The degree and kind – indeed occasions – of<br />

compatibility would become a major problem, which would have to be<br />

addressed instance by instance, and would require a great deal of work.<br />

Any results would be provisional, because there is no guarantee that how<br />

people do things or think about them will remain the same, nor even that<br />

everyone will think the same in the first place. On the contrary,<br />

understandings are likely to change – the faster for being thought about! 17<br />

It is not a vision for generalists, nor for armchair theorists. And it requires<br />

an unnerving ability to live with provisionality, rupture and uncertainty.<br />

There are several conventional answers to the general problem of<br />

commensurability. Most consist in postulating a priori conditions of<br />

thought, which are postulated as being part of human nature (see Chapter 2)<br />

like structure (Lévi-Strauss 1970), the capacity for symbolization (Geertz<br />

1973c, 1973a; White 1949), a shared intersubjectivity (Chapter 6). 18<br />

Another version is that we are dealing with the necessary conditions of<br />

thought itself (Chapter 3) like reason (Hollis 1970, 1982) or knowledge<br />

(Chapter 4). Recourse to culture is peculiar in that its proponents usually<br />

manage to appeal to all of these to a different degree on different<br />

occasions. 19 Cynically, of course, ‘culture’ in many senses is supposed to<br />

be increasingly globalized, as academic and Euro-American popular ideas<br />

of culture become imposed, packaged with aid programmes and marketed<br />

as desirable as commodities, in music, films and television programmes. 20<br />

17<br />

As Collingwood elegantly remarked: ‘if the human mind comes to understand itself<br />

better, it thereby comes to operate in new and different ways’ (1946: 85). I consider the<br />

implications of such arguments in detail especially in chapters 2, 5, 6 & 7.<br />

18 The position is put clearly by Clifford Geertz.<br />

The doctrine of the psychic unity of mankind, which so far as I am aware, is today<br />

not seriously questioned by any reputable anthropologist…asserts that there are no<br />

essential differences in the fundamental thought process among the various living<br />

races of man (1973b: 62)<br />

The problem is that, if culture intervenes, it becomes hard to separate mind from the<br />

history of human practice. So you cannot use the psychic unity argument to postulate<br />

universals of thinking without claiming mind to be somehow prior to culture.<br />

19 This should be evident if you read carefully Geertz (1973e, 1983b) or (1976a, 1999).<br />

20<br />

The localization of global terms and trends is a well developed theme, not least for<br />

Indonesia (e.g. Vickers 1996; Rubinstein & Connor 1999). For some reason, no one seems

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