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The Sum of All Fears.pdf - Delta Force

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as 'unfortunate and unforeseen' circumstances, part <strong>of</strong> which might be true, Ryan<br />

thought as he read down the page – the Japanese had as many domestic political<br />

problems as everyone else – but there was something else: they were going to<br />

coordinate something in Mexico . . . something to do with the state visit <strong>of</strong><br />

their Prime Minister to Washington the coming February. Instead <strong>of</strong> buying<br />

American farm goods, they were opting to buy them cheaper from Mexico, playing<br />

that <strong>of</strong>f against reduced tariff barriers into that country. That was the plan,<br />

in any case. <strong>The</strong>y weren't sure they could get the concession from Mexico, and<br />

they were planning . . .<br />

. . . a bribe?<br />

'Jesus,' Ryan breathed. <strong>The</strong> Mexican Institutional Revolutional Party – PRI –<br />

didn't exactly have an exemplary record for integrity, but this . . . ? It would<br />

be handled in face-to-face talks in Mexico City. If they got the concession,<br />

trading access to Mexican markets for opening Japan to Mexican foodstuffs, then<br />

the amount <strong>of</strong> American foodstuffs they had committed to buy the previous<br />

February would be reduced. It made good business sense. Japan would get food a<br />

little cheaper than they could in America while at the same time opening up a<br />

new market. <strong>The</strong>ir excuse to American farmers would have to do with agricultural<br />

chemicals that their food-and-drug agency would decide, much to everyone's<br />

surprise, not to like for reasons <strong>of</strong> public health.<br />

<strong>The</strong> bribe was fully in proportion to the magnitude <strong>of</strong> the target. Twenty-five<br />

million dollars, to be paid in a roundabout, quasi-legal fashion. When the<br />

Mexican president left <strong>of</strong>fice the following year, he would head a new<br />

corporation that . . . no, they would buy out a corporation he already owned for<br />

fair market value, and the new ownership would keep him on, while inflating the<br />

value <strong>of</strong> the business and paying his impressive salary in return for his obvious<br />

expertise at public relations.<br />

'Nice separation,' Ryan said aloud. It was almost comical, and the funny part<br />

was that it might even be legal in America, if someone hired a sharp enough<br />

lawyer. Maybe not even that much. Plenty <strong>of</strong> people from State and Commerce had<br />

hired themselves out to Japanese interests immediately after leaving government<br />

service.<br />

Except for one little thing: what Ryan held in his hand was evidence <strong>of</strong><br />

conspiracy. In one way they were foolish: the Japanese thought that some<br />

counsels were sacrosanct, that some words spoken aloud would never be heard<br />

outside the four enclosing walls that heard them. <strong>The</strong>y didn't know that a<br />

certain cabinet member had a certain mistress who in turn had a personal beef<br />

that matched her ability to loosen a man's tongue; and that America now had<br />

access to all that information, courtesy <strong>of</strong> a KGB <strong>of</strong>ficer . . .<br />

'Think, boy.'<br />

If they could get harder evidence, and give that over to Fowler . . . But how?<br />

You couldn't exactly cite the report <strong>of</strong> a spy in court . . . a Russian national,<br />

a KGB <strong>of</strong>ficer working in a third country.<br />

But they weren't talking about an open court with rules <strong>of</strong> evidence, were they?<br />

Fowler could discuss this in his own face-to-face meet with their PM.<br />

Ryan's phone rang. 'Yes, Nancy?'<br />

'<strong>The</strong> Director just called in. He's got the flu.'

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