10 PROCESSES OF IMITATION *1 1890 After having studied the principal laws of imitation we have still to make their general meaning clear, to complete them by certain observations, and to point out several important consequences which proceed from them. The supreme law of imitation seems to be its tendency towards indefinite progression. This immanent and immense kind of ambition is the soul of the universe. It expresses itself, physically, in the conquest of space by light, vitally, in the claim of even the humblest species to cover the entire globe with its kind. It seems to impel every discovery or innovation, however futile, including the most insignificant individual innovations, to scatter itself through the whole of the indefinitely broadened social field. But unless this tendency be backed up by the coming together of inventions which are logically and teleologically auxiliary, or by the help of the prestige which belongs to alleged superiorities, it is checked by the different obstacles which it has successively to overcome or to turn aside. These obstacles are the logical and teleogical contradictions which are opposed to it by other inventions, or the barriers which have been raised up by a thousand causes, by racial pride and prejudice, for the most part, between different families and tribes and peoples and, within each people or tribe, between different classes. Consequently, if a good idea is introduced in one of these groups, it propagates itself without any difficulty until it finds itself stopped short by the group’s frontiers. Fortunately, this arrest is only a slowing up. It is true that, at first, in the case of class barriers, a happy innovation which has happened to originate and make its way in a lower class, does not, during periods of hereditary aristocracy and of physiological inequality, so to speak, spread further, unless the advantage of adopting it appear plain to the higher classes; but, on the other hand, innovations which have been made or accepted by the latter classes easily reach down, as I have shown already, to those lower levels which are accustomed to feel their prestige. And it happens that, as a result of this prolonged descent, the lower strata gradually mount up, step by step, to swell the highest ranks with their successive increments. Thus, through assimilating themselves with their models, the copies come to equal them, that is, they become capable of becoming models in their turn, while assuming a superiority which is no longer hereditary, which is no longer centred in the whole person, but which is individual and vicarious. The march of imitation from top to bottom still goes on, but the inequality which it implies has changed in character. Instead of an aristocratic, intrinsically organic inequality, we have a democratic inequality, of an entirely social origin, which we may call inequality if we wish, but which is really a reciprocity of invariably impersonal prestiges, alternating from individual to individual and from profession to profession. In this way, the field of imitation has been constantly growing and freeing itself from heredity. . . . Here then we have the laws of the preceding chapters in focus from the same point of view. Through them, the tendency of imitation, set free from generation, towards geometric progression, expresses and fulfils itself more and more. Every act of imitation, therefore, results in the preparation of conditions that will make possible and that will facilitate new acts of imitation of an increasingly free and rational and, at the same time, precise and definite character. These conditions are the gradual suppression of caste, class, and nationality barriers and, I may add, the lessening of distances through more rapid means of locomotion, as well as through greater density of population. This last
condition is realised in the degree that fruitful, that is to say, widely imitated, agricultural or industrial inventions, and the equally fruitful discovery of new lands promote the world-wide circulation of the most inventive and, at the same time, the most imitative races. Let us suppose that all these conditions are combined and that they are fulfilled in the highest degree. Then, wherever a happy initiative might show itself in the whole mass of humanity, its transmission by imitation would be almost instantaneous, like the propagation of a wave in a perfectly elastic medium. We are approaching this strange ideal. Already, in certain special phases, where the most essential of the conditions which I have indicated happen to be combined, social life reveals the reality of the aforesaid tendency. We see it, for example, in the world of scholars, who, although they are widely scattered, are in constant touch with one another through multiple international communications. We see it, too, in the perpetual and universal contact of merchants. Haeckel said in an address delivered in 1882 on the success of Darwin’s theories: “The prodigious influence which the decisive victory of the revolutionary idea exercises over all the sciences, an influence which grows in geometric progression year by year, opens out to us the most consoling perspectives.” In fact, the success of Darwin and Spencer has been amazingly swift.
- Page 2 and 3:
The University of Chicago Press, Ch
- Page 4 and 5:
THE HERITAGE OF SOCIOLOGY a Series
- Page 6 and 7:
Preface Some of the neglect of Tard
- Page 8 and 9:
Tarde’s own father (1797-1850) se
- Page 10 and 11:
death of the philosopher Nourrisson
- Page 12 and 13:
apotheosis of the tradition of Spon
- Page 14 and 15:
assumption that society consisted o
- Page 16 and 17:
III. The Structure of Tarde’s Tho
- Page 18 and 19:
aspects of invention and, at some p
- Page 20 and 21:
likely it is to be imitated. 41 A n
- Page 22 and 23:
society. This same basic principle,
- Page 24 and 25:
of domination by a single all power
- Page 26 and 27:
V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
- Page 28 and 29:
Letters have just about the same fo
- Page 30 and 31:
attainment of great wealth, demonst
- Page 32 and 33:
ailroad, the modern public could on
- Page 34 and 35:
and held that with increased commun
- Page 36 and 37:
not a hope or a desire, which was n
- Page 38 and 39:
psychological approaches, associate
- Page 40 and 41:
I. The Nature and Scope of Sociolog
- Page 42 and 43:
y the theologians and the authorita
- Page 44 and 45:
certain fruitfulness? I believe it
- Page 46 and 47:
science. III Now the problem is to
- Page 48 and 49:
this question can perhaps be resolv
- Page 50 and 51:
accepting facts which repeat themse
- Page 52 and 53:
a formula comparable to the type of
- Page 54 and 55:
significance of this proposition. T
- Page 56 and 57: These non-imitative similarities be
- Page 58 and 59: were these initiatives imitated, an
- Page 60 and 61: values? This is a fairly well found
- Page 62 and 63: service to the rank of wealth. Agai
- Page 64 and 65: an idol, weaving a garment, cutting
- Page 66 and 67: By joining our point of view, howev
- Page 68 and 69: have intimate knowledge of its elem
- Page 70 and 71: After this admittedly incomplete in
- Page 72 and 73: We should note that matriarchy is e
- Page 74 and 75: of the tribes, then of the cities o
- Page 76 and 77: Lecture by Mr. Durkheim 4 A DEBATE
- Page 78 and 79: The third session, presided over by
- Page 80 and 81: 5 BASIC PRINCIPLES *1 1902 Let us b
- Page 82 and 83: epetition is their common tendency,
- Page 84 and 85: I 6 INVENTION *1 1902 However dange
- Page 86 and 87: shown by World Fairs, where the ind
- Page 88 and 89: and churchmen often did likewise. I
- Page 90 and 91: Imagine the effect produced by that
- Page 92 and 93: 7 OPPOSITION *1 1898 Let us, first
- Page 94 and 95: he has in his thoughts, at the same
- Page 96 and 97: Fortunately, the truth is not so sa
- Page 98 and 99: III. The Laws of Imitation
- Page 100 and 101: comes to him and then another until
- Page 102 and 103: and one of which is crowded back by
- Page 104 and 105: 9 EXTRA-LOGICAL LAWS OF IMITATION *
- Page 108 and 109: IV. Personality and Attitude Measur
- Page 110 and 111: aspect of effort is desire, and tha
- Page 112 and 113: like the solidification of liquids,
- Page 114 and 115: evolution which is the inverse of t
- Page 116 and 117: V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
- Page 118 and 119: the charm of theory? If history is
- Page 120 and 121: only a commercial treaty, or a new
- Page 122 and 123: were perfect. It is this ideal, an
- Page 124 and 125: 13 QUANTIFICATION AND SOCIAL INDICA
- Page 126 and 127: auditory or motor. In an overexcite
- Page 128 and 129: certain records or by the practical
- Page 130 and 131: consolation, but is it a matter of
- Page 132 and 133: eally a pure accident in the course
- Page 134 and 135: VI. Social Stratification
- Page 136 and 137: Will not a time come when, although
- Page 138 and 139: VII. Social Control and Deviance
- Page 140 and 141: And what crimes are involved! Mr. G
- Page 142 and 143: with our subject? To read certain s
- Page 144 and 145: satisfaction in a select and health
- Page 146 and 147: —when this aberration triumphs, i
- Page 148 and 149: thank you.
- Page 150 and 151: 16 THE PUBLIC AND THE CROWD *1 1901
- Page 152 and 153: past; after the family it is the ol
- Page 154 and 155: simple epiphenomenon, in itself ine
- Page 156 and 157:
of more than these two categories.
- Page 158 and 159:
sorrow, with conviction or with pas
- Page 160 and 161:
Opinion 17 OPINION AND CONVERSATION
- Page 162 and 163:
press of our own time, and at all t
- Page 164 and 165:
privileged groups, a court, a parli
- Page 166 and 167:
efore this aesthetic flower of civi
- Page 168 and 169:
. . . The greatest force governing
- Page 170 and 171:
deep, entirely psychological and co
- Page 172 and 173:
XXXI (1891): 123, 289. “L’art e
- Page 174 and 175:
Notes Introduction 1 On Tarde’s l
- Page 176 and 177:
64 Part IV, 11, below. 65 On early
- Page 178 and 179:
127 Daniel Essertier, Psychologie e
- Page 180 and 181:
“You would not assert that Promet
- Page 182 and 183:
*3 Organizations of workers in Fran
- Page 184:
eligious, scientific, economic, and