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These non-imitative similarities between independent nations offer a very curious and vast subject<br />

matter which I shall not attempt to explore here, having treated it elsewhere with some of its<br />

implications, but I cannot by-pass it entirely. These similarities have served as pretexts for the social<br />

evolution formulas that naturalistic sociologists have attempted, which, according to them, are the<br />

whole of sociology. This is their favorite topic; hence the manifest tendency of these scholars on the<br />

one hand to increase the proportion of the spontaneous similarities as much as possible by including<br />

many imported or borrowed ones and, on the other hand, to reduce the importance of these borrowed<br />

similarities as much as possible, to the point of saying that they are of no interest for the historical<br />

philosopher and that spontaneous similarities alone should absorb his attention. They were led to this<br />

grave error by failing to perceive the universal presence of imitation in all social action and its<br />

extraordinary capacity for propagation. . . .<br />

And yet I have been speaking of a simple invention, *2 of an idea so simple that it seems it must<br />

have been born of itself among even the most backward people. But in fact it must have had multiple<br />

centers of invention, each independent of the others. If it were a question of more complex ideas,<br />

more difficult to conceive or to execute, this multiplicity would be less probable and in certain cases<br />

even improbable. Here the accident of genius becomes necessary in order that the idea be conceived<br />

and executed. But this is exactly what certain sociologists—those who consider the progression of<br />

societies as a circular voyage more or less similar for all societies—do not want. Imbued with the<br />

error of thinking that social science is not possible without this condition, they need to explain<br />

everything by impersonal factors which eradicate the disturbing action of great men. This action<br />

visibly bothers them because their obvious preoccupation is doing away with genius. We could ignore<br />

the situation if genius alone were at stake in this serious problem; but it is not only genius but our<br />

individual originality, the individual quality of genius in each of us, whose efficacity and very<br />

existence are called into question; for in some way we all, whether obscure or famous, invent,<br />

perfect, and vary at the same time that we imitate, and there is not one of us who does not leave his<br />

mark, deep or imperceptible, on his language, his religion, his science, his trade, his art. If it had been<br />

proved that the great inventors, the great creators of poetry, myths, dogmas, arts, and sciences, were<br />

simple products of their times, illusory personifications of impersonal forces which acted through<br />

them and would have acted just as well without them—if this were true, it would be still more true to<br />

say that as great actions are a great illusion, the small action of each one of us is a small illusion, that<br />

none of us has served for anything, that human personality is a decoy. This is what we must<br />

necessarily concede if the true and sole actors in history are not men but the factors that we are told<br />

about. We can avoid this consequence and restore to individuality its true value and true raison d’être<br />

only by explaining history as a sequence of initiatives and repetitions, of inventions and imitations,<br />

and by showing that through the imitative if not the inventive side of their actions, human individuals<br />

are subject to laws that lend themselves to formulas very different from those of religious, political,<br />

moral, and industrial evolution, where, in order to reveal only the similarities of various societies, so<br />

much effort is expended to conceal their differences, their essential and characteristic aspects. The<br />

theory of imitation, which implies a theory of invention, does not require such a sacrifice of socially<br />

picturesque elements to social science. Rather it lets us include within the same point of view both<br />

statistics, which measure series or groups of similar acts and clearly determine the sphere of<br />

influence of different imitations, and archaeological exhumations, which disclose the successive<br />

order of inventions and trace the irregular ramifications of their geneological tree.<br />

We can only point out in passing this important subject of nonimitative similarities. Let us add that<br />

precisely the most essential aspects of social life are those in which these non-imitative acts are

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