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of domination by a single all powerful corporation in each industry. It may just as well assume the<br />

form of a national or international association among numerous small and middle-sized companies,<br />

each of which retains some individual autonomy within the larger complex.<br />

A third area of opposition where a similar transformation takes place is in discussion. Discussion<br />

is implied in the first two areas, but under this heading Tarde focuses more specifically on the<br />

exchange of intellectual content in such matters as science, religion, and law. Verbal discussions<br />

between two men tend to be replaced by coteries, later by major schools, and finally by nationally<br />

integrated communities. What may have been a general tendency for certain intellectual currents in<br />

France—especially pronounced there because of the centralized and monolithic university,<br />

administrative, and ecclesiastical systems—was elevated by Tarde into universal principle. Once<br />

again, he exceeded the limits of plausibility even while calling attention to an important pattern.<br />

In numerous discussions, such as the one dealing with changing patterns of conflict, Tarde sought to<br />

elaborate certain general principles to describe these “transformations.” The term was used<br />

consciously to distinguish it from the simplistic universal theories of “evolution” so current at the<br />

time he wrote. Tarde’s conception of transformation was perhaps more ambitious than more recent<br />

social scientists would like, but he was much more supple and sensitive in isolating patterns of<br />

transformation than many others of the period. 55 He stressed the voluntaristic element of individual<br />

action which would influence the directions and rates of particular transformations, and in conceiving<br />

of alternative branching patterns of development, he served as a basic source of inspiration for the<br />

anti-evolutionary theories later elaborated by such anthropologists as Boas. 56 With the renewed<br />

interest in evolutionary thought among sociologists in recent years, 57 after several decades of<br />

avoiding the topic, Tarde’s transformistic propositions are both relevant and timely.<br />

IV. Personality, Culture, and Social Structure: Belief and Desire<br />

Tarde’s contributions to the study of personality per se were less than outstanding; but he did see what<br />

many others did not: that close ties bound the structure of personality to culture and social structure in<br />

the broader society. As a psychologist, Tarde was a social psychologist par excellence. In all<br />

fairness, however, it must be recalled that his major paper on personality, “Belief and Desire,” was<br />

published in 1880, a time when personality theory was as yet a nascent area of study. Tarde never<br />

seriously reopened the subject in later years, for his basic ideas, as expounded in “Belief and<br />

Desire,” provided a sufficiently coherent basis for the elaboration of his general system that he felt no<br />

need to revise them.<br />

The two fundamental elements of personality, 58 for Tarde, provided the title of his classic paper:<br />

belief and desire. Belief referred to the cognitive component of personality, and desire to the<br />

affectual; in this respect Tarde’s thought maintained a distinction that could be found as early as the<br />

Greeks, but he did little to sharpen the general dichotomy. He even confessed, in attempting some<br />

small minimum of precision, that in response to the question that “one might ask in passing, just what<br />

is belief, what is desire?” he was forced to reply, “I admit my inability to define them.” His only<br />

consolation was that, prior to him, “others have failed at it,” such as Hume and J. S. Mill. He did,<br />

however, reject the simple associationistic thesis, maintaining that “belief, no more than desire, is<br />

neither logically nor psychologically subsequent to sensation; that, far from arising out of an<br />

aggregation of sensations, belief is indispensable both to their formation and their arrangement; that<br />

no one knows what remains of sensation once judgment is removed; and that in the most elementary<br />

sound, in the most indivisible colored point, there is already a duration and a succession, a

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