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those of a crowd, and indicated its genealogical relationship with the different social groups, we<br />

shall now delineate a classification of its varieties compared with those of a crowd.<br />

Publics, like crowds, can be classified from different points of view. From that of sex, we see<br />

masculine and feminine publics as well as masculine and feminine crowds. But feminine publics<br />

made up of readers of popular novels or fashionable poetry, fashion magazines, feminist journals, and<br />

the like, scarcely resemble crowds of the same sex. They have quite a different numerical importance<br />

and a more inoffensive nature. I am not speaking of a female audience in church; but when women<br />

assemble in the streets, they are always appalling in their extraordinary excitability and ferocity.<br />

From the point of view of age, juvenile crowds—processions or demonstrations by students or<br />

Paris urchins—have much greater importance than juvenile publics, even the literary ones, which<br />

have nexer exercised any serious influence. On the other hand, elderly publics conduct the world of<br />

business while elderly crowds have no effect. This unperceived gerontocracy establishes a<br />

counterbalance to the ephebocracy of electoral crowds, in which the dominant element is young and<br />

has not yet had time to become disgusted with the right to vote. Elderly crowds are, moreover,<br />

extremely rare. One could cite a few tumultuous councils of old bishops in the days of the early<br />

Church or a few stormy sessions of ancient and modern senates as examples of the excesses into<br />

which assembled old men may be drawn and of the collective juvenility which they sometimes<br />

manifest when they meet. . . .<br />

Crowds can be distinguished according to the temper of the times, the season, the latitude. . . . We<br />

have said why this distinction is inapplicable to publics. The action of physical agents on the<br />

formation and development of a public is almost nil, whereas it is supreme in the formation and<br />

behavior of crowds. The sun is a great tonic to crowds; summer crowds are much more feverish than<br />

winter ones. Perhaps if Charles X had waited until December or January to publish his famous<br />

ordinances, *3 the result would have been different. But the influence of race, taken in the national<br />

sense of the word, on the public as well as on the crowd is not negligible, and the “enthusiasms”<br />

characteristic of the French public bespeak the effects of the furia francese. *4<br />

In spite of everything, the most important distinction to make between various publics, as between<br />

various crowds, lies in the nature of their goal or their faith. Passers-by in the streets, each one going<br />

about his own business, peasants assembled at a fairground, people out walking, may form a dense<br />

mass, but they are merely a throng until they have a common faith or a common goal that moves them,<br />

and moves them as one group. As soon as a new spectacle demands their attention, an unforeseen<br />

danger or sudden indignation orients their hearts toward the same desire, they begin to aggregate<br />

docilely, and this first degree of the social aggregate is the crowd. A parallel statement can be made:<br />

so long as they read only notices and practical information relevant to their private affairs, even the<br />

habitual readers of a newspaper do not form a public; and if I could believe, as is sometimes<br />

claimed, that notices will grow at the expense of the news, I should hasten to erase all that I said<br />

above about the social transformations caused by journalism. But this is not true, even in America. 5 It<br />

is from the moment when the readers of a newspaper are seized by the idea or the passion which<br />

provoked it that they truly become a public.<br />

We must therefore classify crowds, as well as publics, before all else according to the nature of the<br />

goal or the faith which animates them. But first of all, let us distinguish them according to the extent to<br />

which the faith—the idea—or else the goal—the desire—dominates. There are believing crowds and<br />

desirous crowds, believing publics and desirous publics; or rather (since men assembled or united<br />

from afar rapidly push all thought and desire to extremes) there are crowds and publics which are<br />

convinced and fanatic and those which are impassioned and despotic. There is scarcely ever a choice

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