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impossible to look to animal societies for an argument to support the thesis of a supposed antagonism<br />

between the family and the society. In the same way the members in the majority of lower human<br />

tribes consider themselves brothers. To be sure this is often a fiction, but this fictitious fraternity, an<br />

artificial and ingenious extension of real fraternity, necessarily assumes the preexistence of the latter,<br />

which serves as its model.<br />

The truth is that social evolution utilizes two different processes to develop the family in society<br />

and that, since one occurs at the expense of the other, these two processes can be considered<br />

antagonistic. Both, however, issue from the primitive domestic group. Whatever the nature of this<br />

group, monogamous or polygamous, it can spread either through simple growth and internal<br />

complications (leading to the tribe and the clan) or from exterior colonization and a tight or loose<br />

federation between its offshoots separated and scattered across a certain area. This distinction is<br />

reminiscent of the one between monocellular organisms, where the single cell grows and<br />

differentiates itself internally as much as possible, and polycellular organisms. In sociology,<br />

moreover, as in biology, only the second mode of development is capable of a great rise up the scale<br />

of progress.<br />

It must be agreed, nonetheless, that in itself the family group is something very vague and very<br />

indeterminate if no foreign element enters into the picture to circumscribe it and make it more precise.<br />

Unfortunately, by making it more precise we also make it more complicated, and it is from this<br />

complication that arise the multiple forms of the family brought to light by numerous illustrious<br />

ethnographers, which at first seemed to have only a nominal link between them. However, if one<br />

looks at the matter closely, one cannot help but notice the common basis which serves as a theme for<br />

these variations. One of the most original forms of kinship is surely that of the Iroquois and of many<br />

other peoples who practice what is called syndiasmian marriage, the collective marriage of a series<br />

of brothers with a series of sisters. Here uncles as well as the real father are called father, both<br />

nephews and sons are called sons, cousins and brothers alike are called brother. This is what is<br />

called the classificatory kinship system as opposed to our European descriptive system. As strange<br />

as this American notion of the family may appear to us, it seems to me that Mr. Gaston Richard<br />

somewhere gives an account of it which is both very plausible and very appropriate for relating the<br />

origins of this form to those of our own system. This perspicacious writer explains the question by the<br />

almost permanent state of war in which the tribes with this strange system live. The more the social<br />

group is menaced, the more it feels the need to grow by collecting more members, to extend and also<br />

strengthen the special bond which unites its members. Consequently if this bond is principally that of<br />

kinship—for this is the necessary hypothesis—an effort would be made to enlarge the kinship circle<br />

as much as possible and by the boldest means. This occurs for the same reason that we civilized<br />

peoples tend to reduce this circle as our customs become refined and more pacific. Now this circle is<br />

limited to father, mother, and child, whereas during the Middle Ages, the era of insecurity, everyone<br />

was a cousin. The desire for a numerous and strong kinship group caused this assimilation of nephew<br />

to son, of cousin to brother, which surprises us now but would have surprised a magnate of fifteenthcentury<br />

Florence much less.<br />

In the groups united by a special bond other than that of kinship the same need for common defense<br />

produces analogous effects. When the professional group is or thinks it is threatened, one sees similar<br />

workers in various provinces or countries form unions and international congresses, where they treat<br />

each other as brothers and where foreigners are assimilated to the national group. When the religious<br />

group is threatened, quarrels over details are forgotten, and the dissidents treat each other as coreligionists.

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