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DESIGNING TERRITORIAL METABOLISM

978-3-86859-489-8 https://www.jovis.de/de/buecher/product/designing_territorial_metabolism.html

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60 ON <strong>TERRITORIAL</strong> <strong>METABOLISM</strong><br />

“nature” into the city. 4 As a result, under the pressure of modernist urban development,<br />

the built and open spaces—or more simply, city and “nature”—were separated<br />

again. Discourse and practice within urbanism narrowed the focus of these<br />

concepts to the protection of historical neighborhoods. Research and practice in<br />

regional geography and urban ecology disappeared in favor of social geography and<br />

human ecology that focused on urban social conflicts (Grulois, 2015).<br />

At the same time, despite the comprehensive attention that the Brussels<br />

school paid to urban metabolism, additional remarkable works on the metabolism<br />

of Brussels influenced industrial ecology and the study of energy and material<br />

flows (Erkman, 2004), thus narrowing the scope of these investigations to urban<br />

space and environment. As an example, the collective work L’Ecosystéme Belgique,<br />

Essai d’écologie industrielle (Billen et al., 1983) extended the ecosystem study approach<br />

to the whole national industrial system by collecting data on material and<br />

energy input and output on the national scale of Belgium. The study questioned the<br />

efficiency of material circulation in six main production chains (iron, glass, plastic,<br />

lead, wood, and food), and the results showed the predominant linearity and sectorialization<br />

of industrial production, implicitly arguing that a more integrated policy<br />

was needed. Even though one of the co-authors, Gilles Billen, was a former student<br />

of Duvigneaud, outputs were not spatialized on a geographical scale and thus not<br />

related to natural ecosystem but rather illustrated through abstract schemes of<br />

material and energy flows. The spatial connotation of metabolism was no longer in<br />

the picture.<br />

THE RESURGENCE OF URBAN <strong>METABOLISM</strong> DISCOURSE IN BRUSSELS:<br />

CURRENT PERSPECTIVES AND DILEMMAS<br />

Recently, there has been a strong return to the debate on urban metabolism in<br />

Brussels. In 2012, the Etopia think tank of the Belgian green political party—Ecolo—<br />

organized a symposium on the subject in which Suren Erkman was invited to participate<br />

in a discussion with former Duvigneaud students (Etopia, 2012). 5 Following the<br />

symposium, Ecolo supported a first study on the application of the concept of urban<br />

metabolism—and industrial ecology—to support sustainable development of the<br />

Brussels Region (Calay, 2013). Although the work of Duvigneaud stands as a historical<br />

point of reference, the study examines more recent accounting methods such as<br />

the Eurostat method, the Baccini method, and the Climatecon method (Calay, 2013).<br />

Since the 1990s, those methods had been applied in various ways to European cities<br />

such as Geneva (Faist Emmengger, 2003) and Paris (Barles, 2007).<br />

Following these trends, regional programs and policies of the 2010s have fully<br />

embraced the urban metabolism discourse as a tool to boost local economic and<br />

social development and to meet regional environmental targets. The Sustainable<br />

Regional Development Plan project (PRDD, 2014) integrates the issue and deploys<br />

the term “urban metabolism” when addressing environmental and resource efficiency<br />

issues within a regional perspective (PRDD, 2014: 14). Similarly, the term “ecology”<br />

is explicitly used, albeit to refer specifically to “industrial ecology” (PRDD, 2014:<br />

156) in addressing strategies of economic development through principles such as<br />

clustering productive zones. In the PRDD project, apart from the use of these two<br />

terms, there is no specification concerning what is meant by ecology or about the<br />

terms into which urbanism should actually integrate an ecological perspective. The<br />

ecological questions posed by the PRDD simply remain vague, as do those provided<br />

by European and national policies and guidelines (such as the EU 2020 strategy for<br />

smart, inclusive, and green development).

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