1 Chapter 1. Introduction: status and definition of compounding ...

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. kakotixos < kak- tix- -os unlucky bad luck INFL Crucially, compounds are inflected at the right-hand edge, and are phonological words, i.e. they contain one stress, which falls on one of the last three syllables. Very often, their stress and inflectional ending may be different from those of the second constituent part, when it is used as an autonomous word (see section 3 for an explanation): (3) Compound-inflectional ending < stem1-inflectional ending stem2-inflectional ending a. likóskil-o 4 < lík-os skíl-os wolf-dog wolf dog 24.2. Compound marker As already mentioned, the internal constituents of Greek compounds are linked together by the vowel /o/. Items such as this -o- are traditionally called ‗linking elements‘ (Scalise 1992), ‗interfixes‘ (Dressler 1984) or ‗confixes‘ (Mel‘čuk 1982). As shown by Ralli (2007, forthcoming), -o- is a semantically-empty element, which originates from an ancient thematic vowel, and synchronically does not belong to any of the compound members. As an illustration, consider the example psarovarka ‗fish boat‘ (< psar- ‗fish‘ + varka ‗boat‘), where the inflected form of the first constituent is psari ‗fish‘ and not *psaro. Following Booij (2005a), we could assume that psaro- is an allomorphic variation of the stem psar-, which is used in word formation. However, this is not an economical solution, since the form psaro- is restricted to compounding (see psarovarka), while in derivation only psar- is used (see psar-as ‗fisherman‘). 718
Moreover, it is worth stressing that –o- cannot be an inflectional ending, in spite of the fact that in certain cases (see the nominative singular of neuter nouns in –o, e.g. vun-o ‗mountain- NOM.SG‘), its form coincides with the inflection of the first constituent part when taken as an autonomous word. For instance, in the neuter form of an adjectival coordinative compound like asprokokino ‗white and red‘ (< aspr- ‗white‘ + kokino ‗red‘), the form aspro could have been considered as the inflected type of the nominative singular of ‗white‘. However, when the compound is used in the plural, aspro remains unchanged, and only the second member kokino ‗red‘ acquires the appropriate plural form kokina ‗red.PL‘. Compare asprokokina ‗white (and) red.PL‘ vs. *asprakokina ‗white.PL (and) red.PL‘. The impossibility to change form depending on the morphosyntactic context proves that aspro is not a fully inflected word, but must be analyzed as a combination of the stem aspr- with a fixed element –o-. In Ralli (2007, forthcoming) I argue that items such as this –o- constitute markers, the primary function of which is to indicate the process of compound formation. 5 As already known, both inflection and derivation involve their own functional elements, i.e., affixes, which differentiate them from other linguistic processes. In this spirit, I have proposed that compounding, being a word formation process, also needs its own functional element that renders it distinct from the other two processes. Seen as a simple marker, and being semantically empty, this element has no affixal status, and does not need to be assigned any derivational (or even inflectional/morpho-syntactic) properties. It is just a morphological element, deprived of any meaning, whose function is to indicate the word-formation process of compounding. Furthermore, in Ralli (2007, forthcoming) I have suggested that the occurrence of a compound marker marker, as well as its systematic or non-systematic form, depends on a 719
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Chapter 1. Introduction: status and
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always make a clean distinction bet
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. *Yitzl ran Bonki ~ Yitzl outran B
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Spelling also cannot be taken as a
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Nevertheless, theorists have repeat
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Sampson (1980: 265-266) suggests th
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volume]); vowel deletion (Hebrew [B
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evidence that a sequence of two roo
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1.1.4 Summary The picture that emer
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Several of these theories fit rough
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Chapter 16 takes a diachronic view
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of grammar‘? The study of compoun
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(kinsman, deersman) do not even hav
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peculiarities: Chapter 1 offers det
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2.2.2.1 Lexical and grammatical var
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way, denotes. And finally, we come
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modern, rather fashionable term) is
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unit) of its own right and it enter
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edbreast, highbrow, common sense, e
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deep+water, by+way, etc. Here the p
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side on conventionality, the criter
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they could very well be regarded as
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5 It is precisely this gradient cha
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13 For instance, the English countr
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3.2 Problems in the classification
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As for the ―synthetic compound‖
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The properties of these formations
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c) Marchand (1969) (only endocentri
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h) Bauer (2001b) 13 determinative/e
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given that the notion of exocentric
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different criteria (i.e. the relati
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overtly expressed (see apron string
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The compounds of these three classe
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6) neoclassical compounds sW+sW sW+
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) N+N subordinate compounds skeleto
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3.4 A new proposal In line with Kuh
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and the interpretation of the compo
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Wurtenberg) or redundant as is the
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that the classification can probabl
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should be noted though that Bally
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23 Please note that in our database
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(section 4.1.2), and finally descri
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In Lees‟s analysis, the deep stru
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presenting and evaluating the theor
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The issue of the power of the rules
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As opposed to the introduction of r
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c. he does not motivate the individ
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4.2. Development of transformationa
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the predicate to be deleted in the
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expressions, e.g. soap opera, and p
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One of the properties of Levi‟s a
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Apart from Marchand, two other infl
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(14) a. Holzhaus („timber house
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4.3.1. Compounds in the lexicon Two
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and much of the information of thes
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nouns. Thus, the relationships in (
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(affixes and neoclassical stems in
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edbug). There are two distinctions
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4.4.3. The legacy Although any cut-
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Chapter 5. A Lexical Semantic Appro
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of meaning than Jackendoff‘s and,
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they are processual in nature. (3)
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The affix -er has no special requir
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likely candidates, by looking at fe
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For the sake of argument, let‘s a
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will therefore leave open the quest
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(12) Classification of compounds (B
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c. Coordinate endocentric: producer
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(16) blue-green blue green [-dynami
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(18) mother-child (relation, party)
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implausible. The compounds in (19c)
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(22) cookbook author cookbook autho
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highest argument of pick must be in
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Generally analyses of compounding i
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interpretation that arises in the a
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course, a novel claim - the recent
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arguments can be characterized in t
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(33) a. odori-tukare ‗dance-get t
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5.7. Conclusion and prospectus Maki
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6 Bisetto and Scalise (2005, this v
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Chapter 6. Compounding in the Paral
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Figure 6.1 offers a model in terms
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(2) [VP V (NP) (PP)] Thus we arrive
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c. Paired arguments: [Port-cornstar
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1970 and Ryder 1994 asked subjects
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. [[child camel] [jockey slavery]]
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egarded as mappings directly betwee
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than a full modern language, (b) co
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So sometimes lexicalized meaning ha
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elevator shaft = ‗shaft that an e
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standard way to notate this is thro
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players in the orchestra switched i
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Action modality will be formalized
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that F is filled out by copying REA
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cocomposition; section 6.7 deals wi
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A special case of LOC (X1, Y2). CAU
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. N2 is a vehicle (cattle car, baby
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(28) barber1 shop2 = SHOP2 α ;[PF
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(32) a. bird1brain2 = PERSON α ; [
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in (20) in order to account for the
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7. Millikan develops the notion of
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Chapter 7. Compounding in Distribut
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point splits into two sub-derivatio
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instances of Vocabulary Item compet
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7.3. Compounding as syntax As noted
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(5) a. nP n° √P √STUDi n° √
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(7) nP n° √P √i n° √DRIVEi
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where, in the corresponding verb ph
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only be inserted in the context of
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Having sketched a general incorpora
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truck-drive will be ruled out becau
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I will follow Sato 2007 in treating
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way as their corresponding verb can
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8 The feature which drives movement
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c. pijen-o-erx(ome) (MG) f. bou-dat
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(2) a. F (En) b. F (Fr) root compou
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how they satisfy the Interface Inte
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. *human primate non, *primate huma
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oot in the basic asymmetry of morph
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The only option available is that t
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Thus, the motivation for the medial
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Assuming as in Chomsky (1995-2007)
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of the verb, and the indirect objec
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(33) SAMPLE OF ENGLISH OPERATOR-AFF
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when the root does not have I-Asp f
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a part of natural languages. Quanti
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8.2 Deriving compounds with Asymmet
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ecursive systems, Move, (54), imple
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In the Derivation-by-phase model, a
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interfaces first, independently fro
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derivations of compounds instantiat
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specifier of the F-tree) has SM-fea
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At Step 6, M-Link applies again, gi
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Given the features matrices in (58a
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shifting. M-Link applies in (83) an
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have an F-XP structure, and they ar
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according to which compounds are fo
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equire more generative power than a
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5 Compounds are asymmetrical in ter
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12 Compounds have been argued to be
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(Chomsky 2001, Legate 2003, Adger 2
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Chapter 9. Compounding and Lexicali
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as those in (1c) do not inherit the
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and Mohanan (1985), Kiparsky (1985)
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stratum-1 wept, fifth block the for
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whereby syntactic processes can man
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The distinction between phrase and
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compositional semantics typically a
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Prototypical adjectives such as tho
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(4) toy factory woman doctor metal
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constitute within the category Adje
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I noted above that associative adje
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(9) beautiful dancer heavy smoker b
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only. Moreover, associative adjecti
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Secondly, recall the examples first
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(11) a. Is this a feline disease or
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corn oil (compare olive oil, end-st
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It has been shown, however, that th
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As we would expect of lexical const
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That a productive, stratum-2 phenom
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Chapter 10. Compounding and constru
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and it will be shown how they can b
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(3)‘ [[a]X [b]Yi ]Y ‗Yi with re
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compounding (and under certain cond
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In the hierarchical lexicon approac
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Therefore, the language user may as
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The heads of the complex words have
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10.3. Headedness issues Since Willi
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―Constructed words arise from a g
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(iii) separable complex verbs such
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vlaggen-mak-erij ‗flag makery‘
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schemas for the specification of th
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marked (with the genitive ending -s
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Chapter 11. Compounding from an ono
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to the respective model will be giv
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soudce ‗judge‘, < soud- ‗judg
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(2) the pre-semantic level of conce
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11.2.3.1 The overall model Štekaue
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first step consists in the formatio
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(4) Type ―integral metonymies and
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11.2.6 Joachim Grzega In Grzega (20
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The process is completed with the a
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the model incorporates a type calle
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junction of morphemes from other ty
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Dokulil, Horecký, Blank and Koch.
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category of, for example, privative
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Chapter 12. Compounding in Cognitiv
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whereby the semantic unit [OPENER]
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Langacker (1999: 144) remarks, "eve
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on properties that are too marginal
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conceptualized as associated", such
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In clear cases, Tuggy (2007: 152) s
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grasp the meaning of a construction
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their expression in the language it
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Plag (2003: 132) starts his chapter
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Booij 1992 for a semantic interpret
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of compounding, she argues, are bas
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listing results for compounds like
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example which Ryder gives here is t
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'blending', it also includes aspect
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In a number of recent cognitive pub
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as composite expressions, the use o
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agnates have often been restricted
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13.2. Theoretical Issues and Approa
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Pollatsek, Hyönä, & Bertram 2000,
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and Baayen model, this model assume
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Not all researchers agree that morp
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constituents were correlated with r
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Freeman (1979), that the morphologi
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speeded responses to orgel. Likewis
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was related to the meaning of the w
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availability of a word‘s lexical
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opaque compounds, like transparent
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meaning. That is, the meaning of ev
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13.5. Final Thoughts Psycholinguist
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14.2. Related theories 14.2.1 Dokul
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‗townsman‘, cizinec ‗foreigne
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modifier, not by the head: 4 the se
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Zimmer (1971, 1972) should be credi
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- the concept of word-formation as
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elongs. Onomasiological Types are c
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verbal head functions as an onomasi
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epresented by the base does or what
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In our example, a prototypical feat
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the onomasiological structure will
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glass. They related their observati
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h. If the structure contains the In
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In any case, the role of the relati
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14.3.7 Objectified Predictability R
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From this it follows that a high ab
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used for doing something to balls
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In fact, every predictable meaning
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12. Knowledge of the meaning(s) of
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The transpositional type of onomasi
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20 Cf, for example, van Lint (1982)
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language. 2 These may be extended b
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internally to the modifier noun in
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uttons‘, or a tool that we use in
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were asked to describe picture card
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Schoolchildren and adults made rath
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favored by children as well. To thi
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nominal constructions in their lang
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different relations had no effect o
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In order to comprehend and produce
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Another facet of acquisition of com
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15.3.4 A long developmental route:
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phrasal context -- e.g., *tmunat sh
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compounds in their oral narratives
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15.4. Discussion Analysis of a rang
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of passives in different languages
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constructed out of consonantal root
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(as in Vogel and Raimy‘s study) b
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Endnotes I am grateful to Wolfgang
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indicated as +Gen, for ‗genitive
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18 The language-particular arbitrar
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ecome "words", i.e. units to be use
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some kind of affixation, which woul
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1978; Lieber 1983), whose second pa
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cf. the history of burger (Marchand
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ending, usually the genitive, but o
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characterized by stress/ablaut and
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6. Imperative compounds, e.g. Mene-
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structure modifier + head. This may
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nominative relative pronoun of the
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of such constructions in the German
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In this connection, another IE comp
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formations are younger than the nom
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9 Jacobi (1898:111) argues "dass in
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ung / -ing-action nouns and the par
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Chapter 17. Typology of Compounds L
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Ainu also has incorporation, often
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‘way of speaking’, and ike ‘a
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Where verbs are concerned, these ma
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Handschuh derives from the gender o
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Some of the languages that display
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construction. But the word as a who
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does not permit such a wide range o
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appears to be exocentric, and in En
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may be a form of incorporation. Aga
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Endnotes hyponymic drink‘ nourish
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organize English compounding data r
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oot or primary compounds fall into
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or adjectives in question are seman
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Compounds in which the second const
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of this type to around the time of
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eard) is not taken for granted, bot
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what is denoted by the second const
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although they show the characterist
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Figure 18.2. N N N V truck drive er
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stick taster). And most recently, R
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2 Note that when I classify a compo
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Second, (nominal) compounding is re
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Lieber 1992a) and the theoretical i
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computer spel computerspel ‗compu
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wild man wíldeman ‗wild man‘ S
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koop ziek koopziek ‗buy ill‘ le
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(21) a subordinate clause (no separ
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in the separable cases, the prefix
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compound gets the main stress of th
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In the literature a much-debated is
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19.3. Synthetic Compounds Synthetic
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compounds or with phrases. Verb Rai
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Booij & Van Santen (1998: 165) prov
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(47) a stenen-gooi-er ‗rock-trowe
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Chapter 20: IE, Germanic: German Ma
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quite frequent while the productivi
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sense or something else (sometimes
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perspective are: What is the distri
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marker of the respective lexeme. Th
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(11) a e Tag+Buch Tagebuch ‗diary
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(13) In a compound, the second cons
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(16) a woman that sells fish b woma
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structure, and they lack linking el
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Moreover, the noun Hemmer is in the
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(21) a Kur+Urlaub Kurlaub ‗cure+h
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2 Donalies (2004) regards self-comp
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(2) (3) Som regel elsker folk deres
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(5) ‘the big cars’ Huset er sto
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21.2 Introduction to Compounding Wh
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article, as in det store hus (see (
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exhaustive list of semantic relatio
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‘shortage of time’ and kartotek
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Adjective + noun compounds generall
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ulle·stol roll·chair wheelchair I
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To illustrate the productivity of c
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køre·teknisk (EB 3) drive·techni
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[vi] har ret til at … i·land·s
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soon something not suits her ‗She
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outline of the way in which compoun
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If they are, it means that the expr
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guerre froide „cold war‟ lit.
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X \ Y N A V ADV N N A N prêtre-ouv
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The NA and AN cases have already be
Page 668 and 669: 22.3. French VN compounds The issue
Page 670 and 671: 22.3.2. The nature of the first con
Page 672 and 673: conclude that Darmesteter‘s accou
Page 674 and 675: Denotatum Example Glosses Agent por
Page 676 and 677: Locative I traîne-buisson ‗bird
Page 678 and 679: from the 2 nd conjugational group,
Page 680 and 681: „N1N2 is a N1 that is also a N2 a
Page 682 and 683: The property in question may concer
Page 684 and 685: (33) *Un responsable surgelés est
Page 686 and 687: la filière bois se développe ?le
Page 688 and 689: Abbreviations The Leipzig Glossing
Page 690 and 691: Chapter 23. IE, Romance: Spanish La
Page 692 and 693: compounds), perhaps with the sole e
Page 694 and 695: ightly been noted that, although th
Page 696 and 697: (2) a. Carlos es un [Xº sinvergüe
Page 698 and 699: (3) a. cantante autor A+A singer au
Page 700 and 701: N+A / A+N These compounds are usual
Page 702 and 703: 23.3. Discussion In the previous se
Page 704 and 705: The justification of why compounds
Page 706 and 707: characteristic of syntactic words.
Page 708 and 709: exists a clear-cut separation betwe
Page 710 and 711: the examples (cf., for instance, Br
Page 712 and 713: specific ad hoc properties. And, ad
Page 714 and 715: 1 The notion of head employed here
Page 716 and 717: 13 This analysis can also be applie
Page 720 and 721: number of parameters, which refer t
Page 722 and 723: item. Thus, when it is combined wit
Page 724 and 725: sweet (and) bitter sweet bitter Not
Page 726 and 727: suffix has the form of -i- (-s is t
Page 728 and 729: 24.7. Borderline cases In Greek, as
Page 730 and 731: Endnotes 1 Greek examples are given
Page 732 and 733: 14 I choose not to include appositi
Page 734 and 735: their classification and interpreta
Page 736 and 737: compounding. 2 That is to say, ther
Page 738 and 739: adaptations evidently modelled on t
Page 740 and 741: Thus, the compound status of wodog
Page 742 and 743: (6) Stem 1 Stem 2 Example N N ocz-o
Page 744 and 745: According to traditional accounts,
Page 746 and 747: When analysed from the functional p
Page 748 and 749: The examples presented so far give
Page 750 and 751: -ł- trw-a-ć ‗last‘ trwa-ł-y
Page 752 and 753: Another look at instances of compou
Page 754 and 755: ciemnoczerwony ‗dark red‘, jasn
Page 756 and 757: 5 When looked at from another angle
Page 758 and 759: Chapter 26. Sino-Tibetan: Mandarin
Page 760 and 761: natural languages. In particular, f
Page 762 and 763: 26.2.2 Attributive compounds Attrib
Page 764 and 765: As far as Chinese compounding is co
Page 766 and 767: On the basis of Ceccagno and Bascia
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Table 26.4 shows examples of two-he
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[卫星] N [电视] N wèixīng di
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al., in press). Second, our general
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Tables: Table 26.1 - Subordinate ri
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Table 26.5 - Exocentric compounds C
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高矮 gāoăi CRD [A+A] N n high +
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pāngāo ‗climb + high = climb up
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Chapter 27. Afro-Asiatic, Semitic:
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properties with compounds. Finally,
Page 786 and 787:
. *beyt xadaš xolim house new pati
Page 788 and 789:
14. a. hu bana li shney batey ‗ec
Page 790 and 791:
Not so in compounds, where the non-
Page 792 and 793:
to be contrasted with the construct
Page 794 and 795:
d. *kir me‘a/harbe levenim; *beyt
Page 796 and 797:
When applied to constructs with a (
Page 798 and 799:
'the same [(*senior) teacher's hous
Page 800 and 801:
36. a. *beyt xolim xroniyim; *ha-be
Page 802 and 803:
42. Compounds M-constructs R-constr
Page 804 and 805:
violations of the Coordinate Struct
Page 806 and 807:
e that they are not a morphological
Page 808 and 809:
Reformulate the original question,
Page 810 and 811:
least for Hebrew compounds, then, t
Page 812 and 813:
11 The existence of P+N constructs
Page 814 and 815:
Chapter 28 Isolate: Japanese Taro K
Page 816 and 817:
d. Compound VNs: N-VN isi-kettei li
Page 818 and 819:
Headless or exocentric compounds. E
Page 820 and 821:
The nature of the exocentric compou
Page 822 and 823:
. Kono eiga-wa [Spielberg | seisaku
Page 824 and 825:
From this vantage point, W + -level
Page 826 and 827:
work in the morphological plane, wh
Page 828 and 829:
appears that only a highly limited
Page 830 and 831:
VN incorporation. In the light verb
Page 832 and 833:
compound can bear the honorific pre
Page 834 and 835:
If noun doubling and modifier stran
Page 836 and 837:
Table 28.1: Functions of compounded
Page 838 and 839:
Table 28.3: Lexical vs. syntactic V
Page 840 and 841:
Chapter 29. Uralic, Finno-Ugric: Hu
Page 842 and 843:
(1) shows the productive compoundin
Page 844 and 845:
Consequently, it seems to be more a
Page 846 and 847:
(6) Level#et ír ‗letter-acc writ
Page 848 and 849:
(10) a. The nonhead of a deverbal c
Page 850 and 851:
kutya+ugatás ‗barking of a dog/d
Page 852 and 853:
. kormány+átalakítás ‗reconst
Page 854 and 855:
(20) regény+író ‗novel-writer
Page 856 and 857:
(25) a. *a felrobbantó the blower
Page 858 and 859:
(31) a. fel+megy vagy fel+mászik
Page 860 and 861:
29.7. Exocentric compounds Bahuvrih
Page 862 and 863:
Endnotes 1 The present paper is par
Page 864 and 865:
Chapter 30. Athapaskan: Slave * Ker
Page 866 and 867:
First are compounds where the form
Page 868 and 869:
c. tɛh tl‘uh ‗ice line‘ (all
Page 870 and 871:
. bɛh k‘ái ‗seagull‘ (Hare,
Page 872 and 873:
(8) a. dlo b r ‗cheese‘ (Hare)
Page 874 and 875:
(10) [Noun-Noun]N compounds a. dlo
Page 876 and 877:
c. n yíi ‗mine‘ (Sahtú) n ‗
Page 878 and 879:
Postposition-Noun compounds also oc
Page 880 and 881:
d. [‘ihb go] ke ‗running shoes,
Page 882 and 883:
30.3. Classes of Noun-Noun compound
Page 884 and 885:
f. lálɛníh ‘e ‗sweater‘ (H
Page 886 and 887:
[th]ɛ ‗belt‘ -[dh] ‗belt, po
Page 888 and 889:
This suffix has two forms - one, -
Page 890 and 891:
j ‘ɛnáke ‘é ‗parka‘ (Sah
Page 892 and 893:
(31) a. mí kwe ‗sinker for net
Page 894 and 895:
(34) a. shi ‗song‘ gah yín ‗
Page 896 and 897:
Important to this discussion is the
Page 898 and 899:
h. libó ghínɛ ‗bowl‘ (all) l
Page 900 and 901:
Recall that in the possessive const
Page 902 and 903:
c. [s]óts‘ɛd ya ‗necklace‘
Page 904 and 905:
(47) a. tli ‗dog‘ (Sahtú, Sout
Page 906 and 907:
* Many thanks to the editors and to
Page 908 and 909:
Chapter 31. Iroquoian: Mohawk Maria
Page 910 and 911:
(1) Basic nouns a. oká:ra‘ b. ok
Page 912 and 913:
. akohsá:tens ohsò:kwa‘ horse n
Page 914 and 915:
(7) Morphological verbs in use: Rit
Page 916 and 917:
have‘ above. 3 (The verb root -ie
Page 918 and 919:
correspondence with multi-word sent
Page 920 and 921:
iohsté:ris wakká:raien‘. io-hst
Page 922 and 923:
Mohawk has no lexical adjective cat
Page 924 and 925:
It has sometimes been proposed that
Page 926 and 927:
object) and -ia‟t-isak ‗seek (a
Page 928 and 929:
pronominal agents rather than patie
Page 930 and 931:
(27) Location noun: Kaia‘titáhkh
Page 932 and 933:
intransitively for singing. It can
Page 934 and 935:
Noun incorporation constructions ar
Page 936 and 937:
enhaia‘taniión:ten‘ ne:‘ ...
Page 938 and 939:
Tho ki‘ iehréta‘s tho ki‘ ie
Page 940 and 941:
(37) Further incorporated fruit: Ka
Page 942 and 943:
(39) Referent introduction: Kaia‘
Page 944 and 945:
Endnotes 1 Glosses are abbreviated
Page 946 and 947:
Chapter 32. Arawakan: Maipure-Yavit
Page 948 and 949:
Branches Languages († extinct) 1.
Page 950 and 951:
‗the ghost of the late Makapu‘
Page 952 and 953:
(6) anítu ‗wife‘ -áni ‗son
Page 954 and 955:
A genitive compound analogous to th
Page 956 and 957:
pausal form of (14b), for example,
Page 958 and 959:
(20) a wâù§ r i têwa- i b. apì
Page 960 and 961:
32.5. An apparent case of incipient
Page 962 and 963:
TABLE 32. 1 Incidence of compoundin
Page 964 and 965:
7 In various Arawakan languages of
Page 966 and 967:
33.1. Verb+Noun Compounding The bes
Page 968 and 969:
Mapudungun V+N compounding thus cou
Page 970 and 971:
Mapudungun depending on the compone
Page 972 and 973:
There is, however, a productive vei
Page 974 and 975:
(12) Antonio ngilla-ilo-trewa-y. (E
Page 976 and 977:
The grammatical head in these examp
Page 978 and 979:
For many of these, it is not clear
Page 980 and 981:
(19) a. Af-dungu-y-iñ. (Sm: 418) s
Page 982 and 983:
It may be, however, that the attach
Page 984 and 985:
surprised, then, to observe V+N=N c
Page 986 and 987:
(24) Ngilla-küme-pulku-a-n. (EL) b
Page 988 and 989:
across the different formal types o
Page 990 and 991:
5 Unlike Salas (1992), Augusta (190
Page 992 and 993:
suffix to them. By far the most pro
Page 994 and 995:
The strategy of creating a name for
Page 996 and 997:
It is tempting to relate these appa
Page 998 and 999:
clauses, where the object (if expre
Page 1000 and 1001:
pangki-kirli, pangki-parnta (skin-h
Page 1002 and 1003:
created with -ma-ni have Ergative s
Page 1004 and 1005:
(8) Manu ngirrilypa-warrki-jarri-mi
Page 1006 and 1007:
further property, whether the initi
Page 1008 and 1009:
1008 Some initial elements can form
Page 1010 and 1011:
syntactically free, or because it d
Page 1012 and 1013:
5 -kirli and -kurlu are used in the
Page 1014 and 1015:
Alegre, Maria A. and Peter Gordon (
Page 1016 and 1017:
Baayen, Harald, R., Ton Dijkstra, a
Page 1018 and 1019:
Basbøll, Hans (2005). The Phonolog
Page 1020 and 1021:
---- (1994). ‗Back-formation, cro
Page 1022 and 1023:
---- (2003). ‗Children‘s Lexica
Page 1024 and 1025:
---- (2001). ‗Sulla nozione di co
Page 1026 and 1027:
Morphology Meeting, Vienna, Februar
Page 1028 and 1029:
1028 Bradley, Dianne (1980). ‗Lex
Page 1030 and 1031:
---- (2006). ‗From Usage to Gramm
Page 1032 and 1033:
Cheng, Lisa L. and Huang, James C.
Page 1034 and 1035:
Philological Society 100(2), 163-16
Page 1036 and 1037:
---- (1977). ‗Inhaltliche Wortbil
Page 1038 and 1039:
Davis, Anthony R. and Jean-Pierre K
Page 1040 and 1041:
---- (1996). ‗Modularity and X o
Page 1042 and 1043:
Dixon, R. M. W. (1986). ‗Noun cla
Page 1044 and 1045:
Eichner and H. C. Luschützky (with
Page 1046 and 1047:
Fillmore, Charles (1968). ‗The Ca
Page 1048 and 1049:
Language 81: 723-735. Gagné, Chris
Page 1050 and 1051:
familiarity and orthography, concre
Page 1052 and 1053:
1052 Golluscio, Lucía (1997). ‗N
Page 1054 and 1055:
Haeseryn, Walter, K. Romijn, Guido
Page 1056 and 1057:
---- (2005). ‗Bare Phrase Structu
Page 1058 and 1059:
Hiramatsu, Kazuko, William Snyder,
Page 1060 and 1061:
Huang, Shuanfan (1998). ‗Chinese
Page 1062 and 1063:
Johnson, Kyle (2002). ‗Towards an
Page 1064 and 1065:
---- (1992b). ‗Typological Reorie
Page 1066 and 1067:
Kern, Sophie. (1996). Comment les E
Page 1068 and 1069:
ERPs,‘ Brain and Language. 1068 K
Page 1070 and 1071:
Laczkó, Tibor (2000). ‘Az argume
Page 1072 and 1073:
Lees, Robert B. (1960). The Grammar
Page 1074 and 1075:
University Press, 1-22. Libben, Gar
Page 1076 and 1077:
Longobardi, Giuseppe (2003). ‗La
Page 1078 and 1079:
Kastovsky (ed.) (1974) H. Marchand.
Page 1080 and 1081:
1080 Meibauer, Jörg (2001). ‗Lex
Page 1082 and 1083:
1082 ---- (2001c). ‗The differenc
Page 1084 and 1085:
Murphy, Victoria A. and Elena Nicol
Page 1086 and 1087:
1086 Nespor, Marina and Angela Rall
Page 1088 and 1089:
Ortner, Lorelies and Elgin, Müller
Page 1090 and 1091:
Pitt, David and Jerrold J. Katz (20
Page 1092 and 1093:
Rainer, Franz and Soledad Varela (1
Page 1094 and 1095:
Ravid, Dorit D. and Ruth A. Berman
Page 1096 and 1097:
1096 Rohrer, Christian (1966). Revi
Page 1098 and 1099:
---- (ed.) (1992). The Morphology o
Page 1100 and 1101:
Selkirk, Elisabeth O. (1982). The S
Page 1102 and 1103:
---- (1996). ‗From ―Thought and
Page 1104 and 1105:
---- (1997a). ‗On the semiotics o
Page 1106 and 1107:
Sun, Chaofen (2006). Chinese: A Lin
Page 1108 and 1109:
Tai, James H-Y. (2003). ‗Cognitiv
Page 1110 and 1111:
1110 Uriagereka, Juan (1999). ‗Mu
Page 1112 and 1113:
Wang Jun and Zheng Guoqiao, 1993. A
Page 1114 and 1115:
Wisniewski, Edward J. and Gregory L
Page 1116:
Zwitserlood, Pienie, Agnes Bolwiend
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