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The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas Volume I, II, and III

by Frank Salomon and Stuart B. Schwartz

by Frank Salomon and Stuart B. Schwartz

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922 Karen Spalding<br />

<strong>The</strong> Inka presence in <strong>the</strong> Andes, particularly on <strong>the</strong> peripheries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

state, was relatively recent - it is estimated that <strong>the</strong> region <strong>of</strong> Quito (now<br />

Ecuador) was not controlled from Cusco until <strong>the</strong> 1460s - <strong>and</strong> local<br />

sources published since <strong>the</strong> 1950s have made it clear that <strong>the</strong>re was<br />

considerable variation at <strong>the</strong> local level in <strong>the</strong> relations between <strong>the</strong> Inka<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> peoples under <strong>the</strong>ir control. This is not to deny <strong>the</strong> extent <strong>of</strong><br />

Inka dem<strong>and</strong>s. <strong>The</strong> huge extent <strong>of</strong> material construction that took place<br />

during <strong>the</strong> relatively short period during which Inka elites ruled <strong>the</strong><br />

Andes bears witness to <strong>the</strong> enormous amount <strong>of</strong> labor appropriated by<br />

<strong>the</strong> state. <strong>The</strong> lavish expenditure <strong>of</strong> labor not only in construction but in<br />

war, <strong>the</strong> displacement <strong>of</strong> entire populations, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong><br />

o<strong>the</strong>rs, all indicate that under <strong>the</strong> Inka, <strong>the</strong> reciprocities based on kinship<br />

were in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> transformation into <strong>the</strong> deeper <strong>and</strong> more longst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

inequalities based on <strong>the</strong> monopoly <strong>of</strong> resources by a ruling<br />

minority in <strong>the</strong> Andes. <strong>The</strong> Inka still formally "begged" labor services<br />

<strong>and</strong> retained <strong>the</strong> figment <strong>of</strong> reciprocity with lavish feasts <strong>and</strong> "gifts" to<br />

local elites, but <strong>the</strong> threat behind <strong>the</strong> gifts was clear not only to <strong>the</strong> Inka<br />

but to <strong>the</strong> people absorbed into <strong>the</strong> state as well.<br />

But despite all <strong>of</strong> this, <strong>the</strong> Inka system in <strong>the</strong> 1520s was hardly a<br />

monolithic state. Franklin Pease has suggested that, ra<strong>the</strong>r than a centralized<br />

authoritarian state that collapsed with <strong>the</strong> death <strong>of</strong> its ruler, <strong>the</strong> Inka<br />

system can be better understood as a network <strong>of</strong> asymmetrical relationships,<br />

ritually confirmed, that were established between <strong>the</strong> Inka <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

polities that made up <strong>the</strong> empire self-denominated Tawantinsuyu (hispano-Quechua:<br />

Tahuantinsuyo). 25 Those relationships, established both<br />

with local elites <strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong> more important regional deities, were not<br />

abstract but were continually renegotiated, as evidenced by <strong>the</strong> "rebellions"<br />

inside <strong>the</strong> frontiers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state throughout its existence. Local<br />

sources indicate that, despite Inka willingness to use brutal tactics against<br />

enemies, internal or external, <strong>the</strong> authority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state rested on a<br />

carefully structured web <strong>of</strong> alliances with regional deities <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> elites <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> polities that made up <strong>the</strong> Inka system. <strong>The</strong> war over <strong>the</strong> succession<br />

in Cusco opened <strong>the</strong> entire network <strong>of</strong> alliances for a process <strong>of</strong> renegotiation<br />

that might have been accomplished by Atawallpa but was reinitiated<br />

<strong>and</strong> prolonged by <strong>the</strong> appearance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Spaniards in <strong>the</strong> Andes.<br />

<strong>The</strong> conclusions reached by <strong>the</strong> archaeologists responsible for <strong>the</strong> exca-<br />

25 Franklin Pease, Caracas, Reciprocidad y Riqueza (Lima, 1992), 21; <strong>and</strong> his general history, Peru,<br />

hombrey historia, <strong>II</strong>, Entre el siglo XVIy elXV<strong>II</strong>I (Lima, 1992), 65—77.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> Histories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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