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LSB September 2021 LR

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EXECUTIVE POWER<br />

THE MARCH OF EXECUTIVE<br />

AUTHORITY HIGHLIGHTS<br />

FRAGILITY OF DEMOCRACY<br />

MORRY BAILES AM, SENIOR LAWYER & BUSINESS ADVISOR, TINDALL GASK BENTLEY<br />

As lawyers we spend a lot of time<br />

talking up the importance of the<br />

independence of the judiciary. It is indeed<br />

critically important, so we are not wrong<br />

in our obsession with it. An erosion of<br />

independence in the judiciary is often the<br />

first sign a democracy has lost its way. Take<br />

Hong Kong as a current example. How<br />

long can eminent foreign judges continue<br />

to sit comfortably on its Apex court, when<br />

it is now quite clear that there is political<br />

interference in the selection of the judiciary<br />

at other levels.<br />

However, at times we dwell perhaps<br />

too exclusively on this admittedly most<br />

vital of building blocks, perhaps at the<br />

expense of scrutinising our other arms of<br />

government.<br />

Our parliament is fairly easily<br />

understood fulfilling its legislative<br />

role. However executive government<br />

remains shrouded in a bit of mystery. It<br />

is opaque in a way the United States of<br />

America’s system is not, where executive<br />

power is so singularly concentrated in<br />

the office of President. Here executive<br />

power is wielded by some of the same<br />

parliamentarians that pass law, including<br />

the Attorney-General.<br />

The parliamentary convention in the<br />

British Parliament is that the Attorney-<br />

General of England and Wales has no<br />

position in Cabinet creating a degree of<br />

separation, answerable to the parliament<br />

rather than the cabinet. Not so in our<br />

country or in our state. The Attorney-<br />

General is at the heart of executive power.<br />

What is not at first apparent in the use<br />

of executive power is just how much is<br />

delegated through subordinate legislation.<br />

Parliament is responsible for delegating<br />

a great deal of its function, by necessity,<br />

to ministers who in turn rely on their<br />

agencies. The ‘trickle down’ effect is<br />

not widely understood nor is the extent<br />

of such delegations. All of a sudden,<br />

decisions are being made that parliament<br />

didn’t know about or hadn’t necessarily<br />

contemplated. Enter the era of rule by the<br />

executive, and a foreboding sense that the<br />

executive arm of government may have<br />

spread its tentacles so far that it is difficult<br />

to entirely comprehend or reign in.<br />

A current example arises from the<br />

Return to Work Act, introduced by the<br />

former ALP government and passed by<br />

the then parliament. It gave certain powers<br />

to the Minister for Industrial Relations, to<br />

makes changes to the Act’s impairment<br />

assessment guidelines.<br />

Following some judicial decisions<br />

involving interpretation of the Act and<br />

guidelines, the perception was that things<br />

had gone against the interests of Return<br />

to Work SA. The Minister for Industrial<br />

Relations indicated an intention or interest<br />

in changing the guidelines, perhaps to take<br />

away the disadvantage for Return to Work<br />

SA created by those judicial decisions,<br />

although that was not his stated intention.<br />

Instead, his intent was cloaked in more<br />

beguiling words:<br />

“to deliver greater clarity, consistency,<br />

and transparency, and to reflect relevant<br />

clinical developments. There are also<br />

corrections and clarifications proposed.”<br />

In spite of a sense of inequity about<br />

what the Minister for Industrial Relations<br />

may do, and opposition from parts of the<br />

legal profession and medical profession,<br />

the powers delegated to the Minister were<br />

not contained in a disallowable instrument.<br />

When parliamentarians had a look at what<br />

they had enacted, they discovered that<br />

as the powers were not contained in the<br />

disallowable instrument, parliament had no<br />

role; it could not move a motion to prevent<br />

the minister using his delegated power.<br />

Despite Labor’s attempt to rectify a situation<br />

(which it largely created) by introducing<br />

a Bill to mandate that such changes be<br />

made via Regulation, the Minister recently<br />

gazetted the changes with all but the stroke<br />

of his pen. All because parliament gave<br />

away its power to a member of executive<br />

government, and lost control.<br />

Needless to say that example is one of<br />

thousands upon thousands of delegations<br />

by way of subordinate legalisation to the<br />

executive arm.<br />

No example though better illustrates<br />

the true power of the executive than<br />

what has happened from the start of the<br />

COVID pandemic. Parliament has quite<br />

literally allowed our freedom of movement,<br />

our freedom of association, our liberty, and<br />

an accounting of our daily whereabouts<br />

to be decided by government agencies.<br />

The Commissioner of Police has certain<br />

6<br />

THE BULLETIN <strong>September</strong> <strong>2021</strong>

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