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An Introduction To The International Criminal Court - Institute for ...

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creation of the court 23<br />

Timor if there was no immunity. 72 <strong>The</strong> debate erupted as the Council was<br />

about to renew the mandate of its mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even<br />

with the proposed resolution, United Nations peacekeepers, as well as the<br />

much larger contingent of United States armed <strong>for</strong>ces and those of other<br />

States that belong to the NATO-led Stabilisation Force (SFOR), remained<br />

subject to the jurisdiction of the <strong>International</strong> <strong>Criminal</strong> Tribunal <strong>for</strong> the Former<br />

Yugoslavia. <strong>The</strong> United States was really concerned about other parts<br />

of the world. <strong>The</strong> blackmail succeeded, but to outraged protests from many<br />

States, including Germany and Canada.<br />

Finally, on 2 August 2002, President Bush signed into law the American<br />

Service Members’ Protection Act. Referring to the Rome Statute, the preamble<br />

to the Act declares: ‘Not only is this contrary to the most fundamental<br />

principles of treaty law, it could inhibit the ability of the US to use its military<br />

to meet alliance obligations and participate in multinational operations<br />

including humanitarian interventions to save civilian lives.’ <strong>The</strong> Act prohibits<br />

agencies of the United States government from cooperating with the<br />

<strong>Court</strong>, imposes restrictions on participation in United Nations peacekeeping<br />

activities, prohibits United States military assistance to States Parties to<br />

the Statute, and authorises the use of <strong>for</strong>ce to free any United States citizen<br />

who is detained or imprisoned by or on behalf of the <strong>Court</strong>. 73 It was soon<br />

christened the ‘Hague Invasion Act’ by its many critics who imagined a scenario<br />

of the Marines landing on the beaches of Scheveningen in an attempt<br />

to rescue some latter-day Henry Kissinger.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se developments have actually proved to be little more than squalls,<br />

andthe<strong>Court</strong>hasweatheredthemwithoutmajormishap.Attimes,itseemed<br />

as if opposition from the United States only enhanced the enthusiasm of<br />

other countries <strong>for</strong> the <strong>Court</strong>. Moreover, the United States now seems to<br />

have run out of ideas as to how to attack the <strong>Court</strong>. Its two serious challenges<br />

have had the relatively limited effect of sheltering American nationals<br />

in what are only a handful of countries with relatively insignificant expatriate<br />

populations, and of immunising troops in United Nations-authorised<br />

missions. If this is the worst that the United States can throw at the <strong>Court</strong>,<br />

the institution cannot be in any great danger.<br />

72 Colum Lynch, ‘US Seeks <strong>Court</strong> Immunity <strong>for</strong> E. Timor Peacekeepers’, Washington Post,16May<br />

2002, p. A22; Colum Lynch, ‘US Peacekeepers May Leave E. Timor’, Washington Post, 18May<br />

2002, p. A20.<br />

73 Sean D. Murphy, ‘American Servicemembers’ Protection Act’, (2002) 96 American Journal<br />

of <strong>International</strong> Law 975.

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