Campaign Diary Roberto AlfaCampaign Diary Roberto Alfa56 57Day 2The gasping of political marketingDay 3Charisma, lea<strong>de</strong>rship and natural selectionToday, I don’t know how, I found I washaranguing the entire production team.Yesterday a poll came out which wasn’t thatgood for us. As I was talking and my voicegot lou<strong>de</strong>r, I realised that I was behaving likea candidate with those damned tics whichI so love and hate at the same time. Doesn’tmatter. The point is that some of the membersof the team said we had to add new argumentsto the campaign to nuance it more. Isaid absolutely no way. Everything is based onrepeating the same thing over and over againuntil the slogan sticks to people like glue. I’vealways wanted to run a campaign like theones in lots of countries throughout the Americas:catchy songs, rhythms and jingles withno more than a couple of lines and which arealso repeated on the screen like in karaoke. Ican’t do that here. They’d call me a populist.Populist… When the day finishes some timein the early morning, words are pullu<strong>la</strong>tingin my stomach like when I was a kid and Irepeated them over and over again to makethem lose their meaning. Populist is one ofthem. I remember when I was a stu<strong>de</strong>nt how Iwas impressed by something said by a Dadaist:“The damned tongue, stuck to dirt like inthe hands of money changers who have beenfingering coins.” We’re not going to changea comma in the script. There are three i<strong>de</strong>as.When they’re dirty from being fingered somuch, when even our people are sick to <strong>de</strong>athof hearing them, then will be the time.Political marketing can be seen as a set of research, p<strong>la</strong>nningand communication techniques which are used tomap out strategic actions and tactics throughout a politicalcampaign. In principle it seems ina<strong>de</strong>quate to use thei<strong>de</strong>a of marketing, combined with other concepts such asmarket, product, sale, consumer, profit, etc., in a spheresuch as politics, which appears to belong to anotherkind of phenomena. Nevertheless, and this is becomingincreasingly apparent, some aspects of political life canbe approached using i<strong>de</strong>as that are analogous to thoseto be found in economics. Thus meeting a need (part ofthe logic of the market) can be equated with choosingan alternative (as occurs in politics). But even thoughthe strategies, tactics and techniques have a <strong>de</strong>fi nitiverole in this sophisticated machine, there is alsoa need for other more stimu<strong>la</strong>ting incentives, usuallybran<strong>de</strong>d as populist.In the sphere of political marketing, the election ad isheard as a polyphonic gasp, like a choir of sirens. It is ashameless cry of pleasure or a disproportionate ejection.The pornography promoted with the ad calls for terse andpe<strong>net</strong>rative arguments, and in this respect the ad is apowerful reason for excitement and passion.A guy has been on telly who says that thereare biological reasons for political charisma;that the hormones, neurones and what haveyou make up 35% of the raw material of asuccessful politician. It’s enough to make youpiss yourself. I’ll always remember what thatArgentinean politician told me, the nightI won the election for him: “Roberto, thosewho think the world is not a conspiracy areextremely badly informed.” He was one of thefew politicians I’ve come across who <strong>de</strong>servedmy respect. I read a short while ago that when<strong>la</strong>nguage is p<strong>la</strong>ced at the service of war “itren<strong>de</strong>rs people unfeeling and empties theimagination, thus allowing the conflict tobreak out.” More fuel to the f<strong>la</strong>mes.I really think that people vote because politicsdoesn’t affect them. Politics is seen as somethingpositive when it doesn’t create problemsand negative when it interferes in people’s lives.Bit of a paradox. If it affected people, they’d allbe out in the streets protesting. People vote becauseit’s a game, an anonymous bet for whichyou have absolutely no responsibility.“Hormones, neurotransmitters, neurones and, of course,physical appearance are biological factors which mayaccount for up to 35% of the raw material of a politicianwho reaches the top of the greasy pole,” says Cata<strong>la</strong>npsychiatrist Adolf Tobeña. “Dominant, cruel, persuasiveand manipu<strong>la</strong>tive individuals are i<strong>de</strong>al for the strugglefor power and these attributes <strong>de</strong>pend on the neuronalcircuit and hormonal influences,” he argues in his mostrecent book Mind and Power. There is no doubt thatAlfa refers to this book in his ironical allusion.This news item, which appeared in the newspaper <strong>El</strong>Mundo on 21 February 2008, broaches the <strong>de</strong>licatequestion of biological pre<strong>de</strong>termination in politicallea<strong>de</strong>rship. While the thorny si<strong>de</strong> of the issue may leadto initial rejection, what is true is that when we say“politicians are ma<strong>de</strong> of different stuff” we are sayingsomething very simi<strong>la</strong>r to what Tobeña asserts inhis book. However, it is also the case that the popu<strong>la</strong>rstatement would appear to refer to other issues thathave more to do with the prestige of the political c<strong>la</strong>ss,said to be in ruins for <strong>de</strong>ca<strong>de</strong>s and in permanent rehabilitation.This rehabilitation has been taking p<strong>la</strong>cesince the entry into political life of certain politicians,whose presentation often leads to the appearance of“regeneration”, “bringing a breath of fresh air” or “honesty”,as if this quality were an extra value in publicadministration.The trivialisation of news and politics along with makingthem into a spectacle has p<strong>la</strong>ced more emphasison individuals, on the battle between public figures,and has consequently ten<strong>de</strong>d to cover up social andstructural problems. The main consi<strong>de</strong>ration for teamsof election advisers thus becomes the way in which thecandidate they happen to be working for appears in themedia. This leads to the fragmentation and simplificationof events for which the politicians offer radical andsimplistic solutions and there is no capability to evaluateor qualify their efficacy. Everything is subjected to therhythm of television and the standing of the candidate’simage instead of to the time required to solve the problemsand the management ability required to do that.
Campaign Diary Roberto AlfaCampaign Diary Roberto Alfa58 59Day 4Morning meeting to look at the polls. Matil<strong>de</strong>,one of my ai<strong>de</strong>s, says that we aren’t taking offbecause the people don’t know the more humansi<strong>de</strong> of the boss and that we ought to focusmore on showing his life, on bringing himdown to ordinary people’s level. Maybe so. Weimmediately called the boss’s wife to ask herfor some home vi<strong>de</strong>os and photos. While I waslooking at them I was surprised to see such adull life. No really fun photos; no films thatengage you. If someone saw my photos, wouldthey have the same sensation? Anyway. Finallywe put together something with this poorman, er, material. We don’t want to show himin swim trunks. A few photos as a young stu<strong>de</strong>nt,p<strong>la</strong>ying football, next to his former boss,smiling with his son or surroun<strong>de</strong>d by lea<strong>de</strong>rsfrom other countries gave us enough for anice life story ad. Obviously the final shot isof the boss and his wife. No looking straightat the camera, because the wife will get it fromthe press the next day. We chose a shot from ahome movie showing the two of them smilingwhile looking away from the camera and weslowed it down until the end of the ad. Bythe way, there was a heated <strong>de</strong>bate about thesoundtrack which was to go with the images.Some said that we had to use a bit of mo<strong>de</strong>rnmusic with lyrics about having a good time.Others thought a voice over from the wifewould be better. A few suggested the boss’svoice. I didn’t say anything because I was absolutelysure about what we were going to use.In a meeting you should always speak <strong>la</strong>st,pick up everyone else’s i<strong>de</strong>as and make themlook like yours. That’s all lea<strong>de</strong>rship is. Well,we went to see the boss to see what he thought.And it went just like I thought it would. Nothis own voice – that would be vain – and noway his wife’s voice. We en<strong>de</strong>d up with ventriloquism,of course! Matil<strong>de</strong> found a speechin the parliament in which the boss briefly saidwhat the honesty and honour of a politician isbased on. Everyone was happy. Now they thinkthat everyone knows the boss better. They’llnever know him, but at least they’ll have theillusion of a kind father.CurriculumGoing back to that (allegedly) pre<strong>de</strong>termined being thatis a political lea<strong>de</strong>r and prepared to lend cre<strong>de</strong>nce tothe thesis of biological evaluation, the need for honourand excellence in all aspects of their lives could equallybe joined to this feature, and this does in<strong>de</strong>ed happen.Yet as we all know, the main pitfall lies in combiningexcellence in the public and private spheres and it isprecisely in the search for cracks between these twoareas where a certain type of press and a certain typeof opposition fi nd their gold mine which results in a <strong>de</strong>greeof media entente between press and opposition.Moreover, you also need to look at the history of electoralpolitical parties to un<strong>de</strong>rstand the importance ofthe fi gure of the lea<strong>de</strong>r. Parties have traditionally beenformed based on social c<strong>la</strong>ss. There were some c<strong>la</strong>ssinterests which achieved a critical representative massamong the political parties. Certainly the story of howthe left and the right were constituted is marked bythis dynamic. Thus political groups are the outcomeof the strategic linkage of numerous political familiesfrom the same ten<strong>de</strong>ncy. Nevertheless, it is imperativeto rework this reading in the light of the processes bymeans of which political parties select their representativesnowadays. Why should one candidate and notanother end up becoming the lea<strong>de</strong>r or candidate of aformation? Let us turn straight to Roberto Alfa in searchof an answer. Alfa wrote thus in 2001, at the end ofan election campaign in Mexico: “There are so manypeople in a political party that it is quite reasonablethat many should won<strong>de</strong>r about the real reason whysomeone becomes a candidate and hundreds of othersdon’t. The answer is very simple: money. That candidatewho offers fi nancial guarantees, or the confi <strong>de</strong>ncerequired to get hold of them, is the one who wins in theend. This obviously results in a struggle of interests,pledges and sometimes corrupt practices which lead toan extreme situation: there is no way back. Today, candidatesdo not represent the interests of one or anotherof the wings or families of a party, but instead turn intomere bank guarantees or financial insurance. In manycountries if you do not get at least 5% of votes or seatsyou will not be entitled to state funding, and hence allof your investment will have been wasted.” It is, by theway, here that the direct criticism that Alfa expressesin his diary of the political parties can be seen, when hecalls them “private companies in search of customers”. David Armand, in his now c<strong>la</strong>ssic book Power and Negotiation,exp<strong>la</strong>ins why in recent years the majority of candidates do not use the habitual party staff to draw up their campaignsbut instead set up their own professional campaign teams which are completely dissociated from the “apparatus”.Even more interestingly, Armand notes how, and more often than the person in the street realises, many of these professionalsend up forming part of government once the electoral victory has been achieved, with the consequent lossof “transparency” in political management and responsibility. Parties increasingly do not know the campaign of theirown candidate, which means they are often faced with paradoxical situations such as when part of the natural votersof a party vote against its candidate even while they still support the main p<strong>la</strong>nks of the party’s position.The rea<strong>de</strong>r of Roberto Alfa’s diary might be surprised by the tone he uses when he talks about his professionalsuccess in contrast with the failure of the electoral results of his client (see the <strong>la</strong>st entry in the diary). While hisparty loses the election, he thinks of his work as being a victory. This interpretation has to be seen in the light of theinternal electoral mechanics of contemporary parties discussed above.Day 5All of the press picked up on the life story adand a number of spoofs of it have alreadyappeared on the inter<strong>net</strong>. In just one day! I’mpretty damn good.Today I had to go to one of those big meetings.The usual stuff: sports centre <strong>de</strong>coratedwith hundreds of banners and posters; busespacked with old people who’ve been promiseda soft drink and a cake; dozens of young supporterswith their girlfriends (the females neverbring their boyfriends, who support otherparties) who’ve been promised a cap, T-shirtand lighter. Then there are those who makea living out of the party: those who work intown councils which we, sorry they, run; thosewho work in allied companies and all thoseother bystan<strong>de</strong>rs who can’t resist the lure of ashow, whether it’s Billy Smarts’ circus, a freebenefit football match or an electoral meeting.What’s the point of a meeting? In itself,absolutely none. But it’s really handy in otherrespects. One of them is that it means the second-rankmembers of the party can get up onstage and have their photo taken with the bosswhen he’s finished his speech. That way theycan show off whenever they have people roundand they’re asked about the photo they’ve goton the table. Another of the good pointsThe campaign as ritual circus anddisorientation strategyAn emotional character and the dramatisation of ceremonyare things a campaign needs to have at key moments, asthey are a <strong>de</strong>monstration of strength. The candidates arethe celebrants of this ritual in which the rites of confrontationand consensus alternate to foster a response in whichthe mass recognises itself. Choosing the street as thestage for this type of ritual is always a spectacu<strong>la</strong>r <strong>de</strong>monstrationand can have “revolutionary” connotations.But the media show of confrontation creates a climateof electoral tension which may be technically necessary<strong>de</strong>pending on the approach to the campaign. TV ads, therise of inter<strong>net</strong>, polls and big name “signings” are nowadaysgradually rep<strong>la</strong>cing discussion in public squares andthe direct expression of citizens as the means for manufacturingconsensus.We’ve simply called them liars as well. War takes p<strong>la</strong>cein the midst of confusion: confusion is probably one of themost valuable weapons which power has found in the newpossibilities offered by digital technology. In contemporarysociety, the media overexposure to which people aresubjected has significantly altered their situational coordinates.Time and space have been abolished in the sensein which they have hitherto been known and disorientationhas become a sort of control mechanism which canbe used to divert attention or focus it on smokescreens. Inthe analogical or lineal world, you knew where you werestarting from and could predict where you were going toget to. In the digital world doors open up with every step;