Campaign Diary Roberto AlfaCampaign Diary Roberto Alfa68 69Day 11SubtitlesDay 12TV and political marketingThe fear campaign has been cancelled, justwhen we had the ads ma<strong>de</strong>… what a waste oftime. They’ve pulled back. Now they believe itcould be counterproductive. On the one handI’m happy about it but on the other I wasalready thinking about how the press wouldreact to the ads, bringing up everything thathappened and putting Miguel in a fix. I’mresigned to chucking them away. I suggestedposting them on some inter<strong>net</strong> sites and sayingthat they were ma<strong>de</strong> by the party’s youthwing. They loved the i<strong>de</strong>a, although they’reso dumb that they don’t realise that now thewhole world will see them and not just domesticvoters. It’s their problem.For my part I’ve suggested a different approach.Sacred campaign rules numbers 7and 8 are “Never respond to an attack” and“Know how to use questions”. When you replyto a gibe, you’re p<strong>la</strong>ying on their turf; whenyou ask a question, you force people to answer.Miguel is very sharp. Yesterday he brought outan ad on inter<strong>net</strong> making fun of the boss andcalling him a liar. Lies don’t exist becausethey are only pieces of a truth which no-onewants to see. Why don’t people want to see thetrick? Because then there’d be no show. I’mgoing to break rule 7, although it remainsvalid. We’re going to counterattack with anad using figures. I loathe the easy option ofnumbers but they always work in the shortrun.The important thing, by the way, is notthe figures but stressing the reliable source yougot them from.We ma<strong>de</strong> the ad in a day. It’s great to see howwell money and digital things go together,that the machinery is so well-oiled. It turnedout really well. Miguel is in for a surprise.I’ve left him with no arguments about the“lie”. We’ve simply called them liars as well.War takes p<strong>la</strong>ce in the midst of confusion.Miguel knows that.Trans<strong>la</strong>tion is a creative activity and also an open processof interpretation. Moving beyond the literal needsto be accompanied by a willingness to maintain theoriginal meaning, the soul of the sign. Thus in trans<strong>la</strong>tionmeaning is given a different form and there is agrowth process in which these (different) forms whichhave been generated and perhaps enriched can besubjected to certain hazy forces, to a confused and uncontrolledprocess of <strong>de</strong>composition in which forms aretransformed in an un<strong>de</strong>sirable way.The increasingly frequent practice of subtitling electionads has a dual purpose. In addition to reaching the <strong>la</strong>rgestpossible number of receivers and un<strong>de</strong>r any receptionconditions, the content of the spot is ma<strong>de</strong> literal.The written word thus seals even more seriously theintentions, judgements and promises of the candidate;in some way the attempt is ma<strong>de</strong> to turn the receiverinto the notary of the proposal, to an extent a contractis entered into and commitment is sought in a more expeditiousmanner. A subtitled ad is not just any ad; it isa turning point in the campaign which seeks contractand commitment. Its topics refer to “strong vectors” inthe strategy of the campaign. The overprinting of texton the image of the ad is a commitment and should bepresented as such.People think that television is based on sellingviewers to advertisers. While the viewers oftenthink about TV programmes as products, ofthemselves as consumers and of advertising asthe price you pay to see these programmes, thetruth about the TV business is very different. Isee a campaign in the same way, but of courseI can’t say that out loud. Because a politicalparty is a private company which wants to getcustomers. That’s why they invented politicalprogrammes and campaigns. And I’mthe fucking circus master. People are stupidbecause they don’t know they are.According to a well-known political marketing company,“The central power of television is the image. A lotof research has been done about the perception of TVmessages which shows that what the candidate saysaccounts for less than ten percent of what holds theviewer’s attention. Tone of voice, gestures and attitu<strong>de</strong>,that is to say the image per se, is what the viewer registers,much more so than any logic in the argument.This suggests that television should not be used forparty or candidate programmes but rather for imagesthat <strong>de</strong>pict trust, firmness, efficacy, authority, ability, renewal,etc. The most effective messages on televisionare those which make it possible to build the <strong>de</strong>siredimage of the candidate in a non-verbal way. Build isused metaphorically here as the most that can be doneis to emphasise those traits which the candidate naturallyor potentially has. The best results are achievedwhen aspects which are in strong social <strong>de</strong>mand areput in or<strong>de</strong>r of importance based on the real conditionsof a candidate and communicated with a very simpleand clear verbal argument.”Television as sceneryAs Roberto Alfa shrewdly suggests, all readings of thetelevision phenomenon end up being a vast history.Subjected to the speed of their incessant discourse, thevarious analyses which attempt to tackle the televisionphenomenon normally end up exhausted in the searchfor solid approaches, disorientated in the face of thedispersion of results, subjected to the tyranny of the formand the system to be tackled.The battle to domesticate this strange presence from theperspective of semiotics and semiology, sociology andpedagogy, art and political commitment, makes us realisethat we are the domesticated ones and that this strangeand imp<strong>la</strong>cable presence (the light emanating from thescreen) has not only organised our homes but also seeksto access our consciousness in or<strong>de</strong>r to furnish it.In the great whirlwind of television, an election ad isthe great product, the total product, a sort of greatcon<strong>de</strong>nser of the mediascape, a complete indicator ofthe established or<strong>de</strong>r, a superior form of the narcotictechniques of the image. A product which can be atthe same time a pseudo work of art, a product, byproductand space rubbish.
Campaign Diary Roberto AlfaCampaign Diary Roberto Alfa70 71Day 13I’ve often been asked what the basic types ofan election campaign are. I have my owncatalogue: tears, parody, musical, fiction,animation, catastrophe, firm hand, countryand change. There are more but all of themcan be subsumed in these. You’ll be won<strong>de</strong>ringwhat these categories have in common as someare concepts and others are narrative formats.Well, they’re two si<strong>de</strong>s of the same coin. Plusunless the candidate is a natural communicator,you should never leave him alone in thead. I remember those ads from a few years ago,when the candidate spouted for five or tenminutes about the advantages and integrity ofhis party. A right pain. That happened in theage of i<strong>de</strong>ologies, when politics was politics;what’s the point of that nowadays? Tears,showing someone bedrid<strong>de</strong>n, kids, all of thatworks well when you want to stress sincerity;at the end of the day kids, drunks, old peopleand the sick always tell the truth. You can useparody to make fun of the enemy without lookinglike you’re doing it; pure ventriloquismagain. And then there’s <strong>la</strong>ughter, alwaysa powerful ally. The musical style, which Ilove, produces jingles and ditties and you canalways bring on hundreds of extras who’l<strong>la</strong>nchor it for you. In particu<strong>la</strong>r I love the karaokestyle, because you fix that message twice.In Latin America, Asia and the United Statesthey are karaoke masters. Then fiction lets youhijack the stereotypes which people have aboutthe candidate, meaning they forget about theclichés for a moment and let themselves becarried away along unexpected routes. Animationis like fiction, but cheaper, especiallywith those kids you get nowadays who can dowon<strong>de</strong>rs with just their <strong>la</strong>ptops and really getinsi<strong>de</strong> young people’s heads.In his article “Psicología, lenguaje y política” (1998),seen by many as the fundamental basis for an in-<strong>de</strong>pthun<strong>de</strong>rstanding of contemporary election campaigns,Alfa suggests, perhaps to foster <strong>de</strong>bate, that the constructionof election messages is based on topics which,contrary to what canonical authors on the subject havealways averred, cut across themes and concepts. Accordingto Alfa these topics are:• trust / distrust / corruption / honesty• future / past / change• efficiency / inefficiency / curriculum• patriotism / i<strong>de</strong>ntity / family / migration• public services / taxes / welfare• security / insecurity / fear / hope / justiceWhat is perhaps most surprising about these conceptua<strong>la</strong>ssociations is the clear separation between thepersonal responsibility of the voter in the <strong>de</strong>fi nition ofthe moral i<strong>de</strong>as which gui<strong>de</strong> their vote and the responsibilityof the professional politician for handling theirapplication. The politician has all the ability to formu<strong>la</strong>tepolicy: you can trust or not trust in his honesty, inhis ability to offer p<strong>la</strong>usible prospects, to i<strong>de</strong>ntify signsof i<strong>de</strong>ntity and formu<strong>la</strong>te them in a wi<strong>de</strong>r context, tobe not a problem but rather the maker of solutionswhich additionally fi nd the social consensus required,including among opponents. This series of conceptualpivots seems to exempt the voter from their engagementin the process which generates political <strong>de</strong>bate.In this respect, in a recent interview with The New YorkTimes, Roberto Alfa said that “We have to be awarethat the voter is increasingly suspicious of what politiciansdo with their support, and hence logically enoughthey tend not to associate their vote with the excessesof rulers. This trend is growing over time. People don’twant to see themselves as responsible for what is donewith the justifi cation of their votes. In fact this is thereason why I think that short, four-year legis<strong>la</strong>turesare much more electorally effi cient than six-year ones,where people can feel more disappointed and powerlesswith the political use of their participation.”Then there are the concepts; the appeal tocatastrophe is always rewarding. All you haveto do is to choose some tragedy which tookp<strong>la</strong>ce during the legis<strong>la</strong>ture, stick in somenegative figures, select some unfortunate comment,present it in b<strong>la</strong>ck and white and Bob’syour uncle. If you really want to put fear intothe soul, there’s no better way. Firm hand;I love that expression. It’s multi-purpose:for cleaning, for talking about corruption,honesty, firmness, <strong>de</strong>linquency, terrorism.And it always works well because it refersto the i<strong>de</strong>a of the protective father, who doeseverything “for your own good”. You have tobe careful when you use the word country. Itcan be easily confused with “fascist” so youhave to dress it up with more colloquial words:family, people, community, “us”, “ours”, etc.Who could be against that? I still remember acampaign I did for a major event some yearsago: I put the words “sustainability”, “peace”and “tolerance” in the entire promotion, whenin fact it was an enormous real estate andpolitical <strong>de</strong>al. But who on earth would dareto criticise it? And <strong>la</strong>st but not least there isthe call for change. For starters, this is thestandard resource for a candidate who isstanding against another one who has beenin office for more than two legis<strong>la</strong>tures: “It’stime for change”. The list of campaigns basedon that slogan is endless. Plus it also goeswell with all the other concepts, so it’s a sort ofmetaconcept: change to avoid catastrophe, toprotect what’s ours, to get rid of corruption orinefficiency.For Roberto Alfa, every campaign needs to be configuredusing these six topics, as they are perfectly inclusive or“adherent” to use his own terminology. Furthermore,each of the blocks hosts the doors nee<strong>de</strong>d to enter intoother blocks: “They are hypertexts which enable peopleto link themes without needing to cross forced limits,”as he would always say in his master c<strong>la</strong>sses.You’ll be won<strong>de</strong>ring where all the big campaign themes are: the economy, education, socialservices, health. The answer is ruthlessly simple: nowhere. Have you ever seen a candidate go<strong>de</strong>eply into these things? They’ve learnt that it’s best not to get involved in them during thecampaign. If you say you’re going to privatise the health system, you’ll be rejected by people withhealth problems or ill re<strong>la</strong>tives; if you say you’re going to spend millions on hospitals, firstly noonewill believe you and then the businesspeople will eat you alive, plus you’ll put off those whohave private health insurance, and there are millions of them. Tough stances are bad electoralcompany. No: when you’re talking about the economy, health or education you should only usebroad brush strokes; more jobs, shorter queues and less aca<strong>de</strong>mic failure. Nothing else. Anythingmore will get you into trouble. So, does anyone really think that it is possible to cut hospitalqueues? Oh come on…