draft of November 2011

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(=a/one) is involved in (16), ambiguity arises. The presence of the pronominal in (16a) forces a referential interpretation for the indefinite, exactly as in the clld case in (3). The indefinite interpretation is only available when the object is dropped in the second clause (16b), on a par with (5). (16) a. o Yanis psahni enan idravliko, ala dhe ton vriski puthena the-nom Yanis look-for-3sg one plumber but not him find-3sg anywhere Yanis is looking for a plubmer but cannot find him anywhere. ∃ > look-for b. o Yanis psahni enan idravliko, ala dhe vriski puthena the-nom Yanis look-for-3sg one plumber but not find-3sg anywhere Yanis is looking for a plubmer but cannot find one anywhere. look-for > ∃ The facts reviewed so far indicate that: (i) the relation between a clld-ed phrase and the clitic mirrors intrasentential anaphora in the two languages; (ii) Greek pronouns systematically resist non-referential antecedents while Italian clitics can accept such antecedents; (iii) Greek allows Indefinite Argument Drop (IAD) where Italian systematically employs pronouns. Before moving on it is worth pointing out that IAD is available also with subjects in Greek as shown in (17) (and noticed by Giannakidou and Merchant 1997). (17b) can be a felicitous exchange in a context where a new helpline is set up at a university, available to faculty, students and the general public, but what is of interest is if students specifically use it. (17) a. A:irthe kanis? B:ne irthe A:came-3sg anyone? B:yes, came-3sg A:Did anyone come? B:Yes, someone did. b. A:tilefonisan fitites? B:ne tilefonisan A:phoned-3pl students? B:yes, phoned-3pl A:Did students phone? B:Yes, some did. By contrast, such indefinite subjects cannot be dropped in Italian. (18) A:Ha telefonato qualcuno B:Si, qualcuno ha telefonato/*Si, ha telefonato A:Has phoned someone? B:Yes, someone has phoned/*Yes, has phoned A: Has anyone phoned? B: Yes, someone has phoned. 12
3.3 Bare nouns As has become evident, many of the critical examples in Greek involve bare nouns. In fact, bare nouns are very widely available in Greek (19), in contrast to Italian, where their distribution is restricted (Benincà 1980; Longobardi 1994; Chierchia 1998). Crucially for the present discussion, a bare noun is ungrammatical in examples like (20) where Greek naturally prefers a bare noun. (19) a. i Maria vrike dada gia ta pedhia the-nom Maria found nanny for the children Maria found a nanny for the children. b. mpikan kleftes ke sikosan ta pada broke-in-3pl burglars and lifted-3pl the all Burglars broke in and took everything. c. diadilotes pirpolisan magazia ke aftokinita stus dromus yiro apo demonstrators set-on-fire shops and cars in-the streets around from to Politehnio the Politehnio Demonstrators set on fire shops and cars in the streets around the School of Engineering. The Italian counterparts of Greek (19a) and (15) resist bare nouns as shown in (20). (20) a. Maria ha trovato una baby-sitter/*baby-sitter per i bambini Maria has found a nanny/*nanny for the children Maria found a nanny for the children. b. Gianni sta cercando un idraulico/*idraulico. Gianni is looking-for a plumber/*plumber Gianni is looking for a plumber. 3.4 Bare subnominal ellipsis The final set of observations comes from another context of intrasentential anaphora which gives rise to the deletion of the nominal antecedent. Consider (21). In the answer, the noun tavolo is elided; the nominal is headed by uno which consists of the indefinite article and the classifier o, followed by the adjective (Alexiadou and Gengel 2008). In addition, the elliptical 13
Page 1 and 2: Topic-strategies and the internal s
Page 3 and 4: 1 Introduction Clitic Left Dislocat
Page 5 and 6: (5) a. Fetos i moda ine apesia; idi
Page 7 and 8: evidence of reconstruction, and, th
Page 9 and 10: 3.1 Greek manipulates structure whi
Page 11: 3.2 Indefinite pronominal anteceden
Page 15 and 16: systematically employs articles and
Page 17 and 18: Syntax They can be left dislocated
Page 19 and 20: Further, Greek bare nouns have atom
Page 21 and 22: You will need a skirt sewn in India
Page 23 and 24: 4.1.2 Towards a crosslinguistic typ
Page 25 and 26: semantics of Greek Number? We will
Page 27 and 28: e felicitous subjects, even under r
Page 29 and 30: However, the data below indicate th
Page 31 and 32: generalisation is that only languag
Page 33 and 34: that the definite is a noun phrase.
Page 35 and 36: excellent one (so the time we took
Page 37 and 38: (66) *den prokite na vri ti yineka
Page 39 and 40: . o Napoleodas epline (ta) piatai k
Page 41 and 42: (75) a. o Yanis psahni idravliko al
Page 43 and 44: Let us now turn to subnominal ellip
Page 45 and 46: Beautiful she is. b. belle lo sono?
Page 47 and 48: just semantically definite elements
Page 49 and 50: topic-strategies between the two la
Page 51 and 52: Alexopoulou, T. and C. Heycock (200
Page 53 and 54: Giusti, G. (1997). The categorial s
Page 55 and 56: Sells, P. (1984). Syntax and Semant

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