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. i Maria theli na padrefti enan the-nom Maria want-3sg subj marry-3sg one-acc Maria wants to marry an Italian. (ambiguous) (33) a. i Maria theli n’agorasi fusta tu the-nom Maria wants subj-buy-3sg skirt the-gen Maria wants to buy an Armani skirt. only opaque Italo Italian Armani Armani b. i Maria theli n’agorasi mia fusta tu the-nom Maria wants subj-buy-3sg one skirt the-gen Maria wants to buy an Armani skirt. 3-way ambiguous Armani Armani If the bare nouns involved a null D, we would expect exactly the same range of interpretations as in the case where the purported D element is overtly present since, the overt/null alternation should be a PF alternation and should not affect LF interpretations, as is the case in Italian. But (33) and (32) indicate that this is not so. This is then our first argument against postulating a null D for Greek bare nouns. The contrast between bare and non-bare nouns extends beyond the above intensional contexts to interactions with the universal quantifer (34) and with negation (35). Bare nomi- nals cannot take scope over the universal quantifier (34a) (see Farkas and de Swarts 2001 for similar facts in Hungarian) or over negation (35a) (Chierchia 1998). (34) a. kathe episkeptis diavase efimeridha/efimeridhes each visitor read-3sg newspaper-sg/newspapers-pl Each visitor read a newspaper/newspapers. Only ∀ > ∃ b. kathe episkeptis diavase mia efimeridha/kapies efimeridhes each visitor read one newspaper-sg/some newspapers-pl Each visitor read a newspaper/some newspaper. ∀ > ∃ or ∃ > ∀ (35) a. dhen idhe rogmes sto tavani not saw-3sg cracks in-the ceiling S/he didn’t see cracks in the ceiling. Only ¬ > ∃ b. den idhe mia lakuva sto dromo not saw-3sg a hole in-the street S/he didn’t see a hole in the street. ∃ > ¬ or ?¬ > ∃ c. den idhe lakuva sto dromo not saw-3sg hole in-the street S/he didn’t see a hole in the street. Only ¬ > ∃ 22
4.1.2 Towards a crosslinguistic typology of bare nouns In his seminal paper on kinds, Chierchia (1998) proposes a semantic parameter according to which languages vary in the way their nouns may be allowed to function as arguments or not. Accordingly, there is variation across languages in the denotation of nominal categories: nouns may be classified by means of two features, [+/-pred] and [+/-arg]. In Italian, for instance (and Romance more generally), noun phrases are [+pred],[-arg], hence are always headed by a determiner head D to turn into arguments. By contrast, English nouns are optionally [+pred] or [+arg]. Thus, a D often heads a predicative noun to form an argument, but English allows nouns to function as arguments without D, as in the case of bare plurals. The hypothesis accounts for a number of contrasts between Italian and English. Where English allows bare plurals as in (36), Italian necessarily involves a definite article (37a), or some indefinite determiner (37b) or the bare-partitive construction (37c). Bare nouns in Italian are assumed to involve a null D (Longobardi 1986,1994, Chierchia 1998) and are restricted to some special governed positions, a syntactic condition necessary for licensing the null D head. (36) a. Lions are wild animals. b. Dogs are barking in the courtyard. c. Water is dripping from the faucet. (37) a. i leoni sono animali selvaggi the lions are animals of wild Lions are wild animals. b. alcuni cani stavano giocando nel giardino some dogs were playing in-the garden Some dogs were playing in the garden. c. Del vino si e’ of-the wine refl past Some wine got spilled. rovesciato spill 23 (Chierchia 1998) (Adapted from Chierchia 1998)
Page 1 and 2: Topic-strategies and the internal s
Page 3 and 4: 1 Introduction Clitic Left Dislocat
Page 5 and 6: (5) a. Fetos i moda ine apesia; idi
Page 7 and 8: evidence of reconstruction, and, th
Page 9 and 10: 3.1 Greek manipulates structure whi
Page 11 and 12: 3.2 Indefinite pronominal anteceden
Page 13 and 14: 3.3 Bare nouns As has become eviden
Page 15 and 16: systematically employs articles and
Page 17 and 18: Syntax They can be left dislocated
Page 19 and 20: Further, Greek bare nouns have atom
Page 21: You will need a skirt sewn in India
Page 25 and 26: semantics of Greek Number? We will
Page 27 and 28: e felicitous subjects, even under r
Page 29 and 30: However, the data below indicate th
Page 31 and 32: generalisation is that only languag
Page 33 and 34: that the definite is a noun phrase.
Page 35 and 36: excellent one (so the time we took
Page 37 and 38: (66) *den prokite na vri ti yineka
Page 39 and 40: . o Napoleodas epline (ta) piatai k
Page 41 and 42: (75) a. o Yanis psahni idravliko al
Page 43 and 44: Let us now turn to subnominal ellip
Page 45 and 46: Beautiful she is. b. belle lo sono?
Page 47 and 48: just semantically definite elements
Page 49 and 50: topic-strategies between the two la
Page 51 and 52: Alexopoulou, T. and C. Heycock (200
Page 53 and 54: Giusti, G. (1997). The categorial s
Page 55 and 56: Sells, P. (1984). Syntax and Semant

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