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quantifier in (8). (8) to aftokinito tu to asfalise kathe fititis the car his-gen it insured-3sg each student-nom Each student insured his car (distributive reading available). Finally, clld-ed PPs don’t reconstruct in Italian (Cecchetto 2001). In sum, there are at least three factors that may affect reconstruction: the number of the dislocated element (7), its definiteness (8) and its category. 7 Under the scope approach, these interactions are mysterious. Topichood analyses Topics are often taken to necessarily involve well established dis- course antecedents and, as a result, be compatible only with referential interpretations (Rein- hart 1982; Alexopoulou and Kolliakou 2002; Endriss 2006). This explanation works for Greek clld, since clld-ed phrases are necessarily referential topics (Philippaki-Warburton 1985; Anagnostopoulou 1994; Tsimpli 1995; Rizzi 1997). However, Italian clld challenges the generalisation that topics are exclusively referential as we have seen in (1); the Greek Topicali- sation examples in (5b) are equally problematic. 3 Beyond topics: nominals and anaphoric relations in Italian and Greek In this section we show that the clld facts mirror more general anaphoric possibilities in the two languages, which in turn relate to the make up of the nominals in the two languages. In particular, we draw evidence from the availability of Indefinite Argument Drop, Bare subnominal deletion and bare nominals. The most important shortcoming of the scope-based and topichood analyses reviewed in the previous section is that they could not capture the more general patterns discussed below. We begin by looking at the basic contrast between clld and Greek Topicalisation in some more detail. 7 The presence of modal operators further affects readings (Alexopoulou 2009). 8
3.1 Greek manipulates structure while Italian manipulates Ds Let us focus on the non-referential indefinites in some more detail. Consider the minimal pair in (9). (9) a. Una segrataria *(la)-trovi facilmente/ prima o poi una segretaria *(la)-trovi A secretary her.cl-find easily/ sooner or later a secretary her.find A secretary, you fill find her easily/ sooner or later you will find her b. Gramatea tha (*ti) vrite sigura Secretary will her.cl find-2pl certainly A secretary you will find her certainly. As already seen, Greek employs Topicalisation when a non-referential interpretation is in- tended while Italian clld. Thus, the clitic ti is ungrammatical in Greek but la obligatory in Italian. However, (9b) points to a further difference between the two languages: the dislocated phrase in Greek is a bare noun while in Italian the indefinite article is indespensible. Example (10), where the bare noun is preceded by mia is possible in Greek, but there is a strong preference to read mia as one. 8 (10) mia grammatea tha vrite sigura one-fem secretary will find-2pl certainly It seems then that Greek is sensitive to the (in)definiteness of the topic and has two distinct topic strategies: indefinite topics are typically bare nominals linked to a gap, while definite/referential topics are preceded by an article and linked to a pronominal clitic (11). By contrast, Italian indefinite topics as in (9a) are structurally very similar to the clld-ed definite topic in (11b); both types involve clld. (11) a. ti Maria tha ti vrite sigura sto grafio the-acc Maria will her.cl find-2pl certainly at-the office Maria you’ll certainly find her at the office. b. il libro che cerchi lo trovi sul tavolo the book that are-looking-for.2sg it.cl find-2sg on-the table 8 Greek has no indefinite article distinct from the numeral one. 9
Page 1 and 2: Topic-strategies and the internal s
Page 3 and 4: 1 Introduction Clitic Left Dislocat
Page 5 and 6: (5) a. Fetos i moda ine apesia; idi
Page 7: evidence of reconstruction, and, th
Page 11 and 12: 3.2 Indefinite pronominal anteceden
Page 13 and 14: 3.3 Bare nouns As has become eviden
Page 15 and 16: systematically employs articles and
Page 17 and 18: Syntax They can be left dislocated
Page 19 and 20: Further, Greek bare nouns have atom
Page 21 and 22: You will need a skirt sewn in India
Page 23 and 24: 4.1.2 Towards a crosslinguistic typ
Page 25 and 26: semantics of Greek Number? We will
Page 27 and 28: e felicitous subjects, even under r
Page 29 and 30: However, the data below indicate th
Page 31 and 32: generalisation is that only languag
Page 33 and 34: that the definite is a noun phrase.
Page 35 and 36: excellent one (so the time we took
Page 37 and 38: (66) *den prokite na vri ti yineka
Page 39 and 40: . o Napoleodas epline (ta) piatai k
Page 41 and 42: (75) a. o Yanis psahni idravliko al
Page 43 and 44: Let us now turn to subnominal ellip
Page 45 and 46: Beautiful she is. b. belle lo sono?
Page 47 and 48: just semantically definite elements
Page 49 and 50: topic-strategies between the two la
Page 51 and 52: Alexopoulou, T. and C. Heycock (200
Page 53 and 54: Giusti, G. (1997). The categorial s
Page 55 and 56: Sells, P. (1984). Syntax and Semant

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