Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
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Such characteristics <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation of a speech sound, which unavoidably<br />
occur as a result of <strong>the</strong> transition from or to an adjacent<br />
speech sound, do not affect <strong>the</strong> notation. One thus writes: h<strong>and</strong>la,<br />
vattna, köpman, even though d, t <strong>and</strong> p <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se words are not formed<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same way as <strong>in</strong> händig, väta, köpa; nor are <strong>the</strong> p-sounds at <strong>the</strong><br />
beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> word papp wholly identical, yet <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
never<strong>the</strong>less denoted with <strong>the</strong> same letter.<br />
(Lundell, 1879:7; my translation)<br />
Apparently, <strong>the</strong>n, Lundell considered <strong>the</strong> difference between <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial<br />
<strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al stops <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> word papp to be a result of context, <strong>the</strong> former<br />
be<strong>in</strong>g word-<strong>in</strong>itial before a stressed vowel, <strong>the</strong> latter be<strong>in</strong>g word-f<strong>in</strong>al before<br />
a pause. There are reasons to believe that Lundell <strong>and</strong> his contemporaries<br />
would also have considered <strong>the</strong> difference between <strong>the</strong> two stops<br />
<strong>in</strong> pappa to be <strong>the</strong> result of context. Possibly, <strong>the</strong> difference was thought<br />
to be a result of stress: if <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g vowel was stressed, <strong>the</strong> stop was<br />
more forcefully articulated than if <strong>the</strong> vowel was unstressed.<br />
For Norwegian, a similar story can be told. In Storm’s (1908) 1 overview<br />
of Norwegian, most dialects have voiced <strong>and</strong> voiceless stops <strong>and</strong> no<br />
apparent differences <strong>in</strong> degree of aspiration. However, Storm <strong>in</strong>dicates<br />
more clearly than does Lundell that <strong>in</strong> addition to voic<strong>in</strong>g, consonants<br />
(<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g stops) vary <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir force of articulation:<br />
One can, <strong>in</strong> fact, dist<strong>in</strong>guish between two degrees of voicelessness,<br />
weak or without stress: whispered [Hvisken], <strong>and</strong> strong or with<br />
stress: puffed [Pust]. One can, for example, produce a strong f <strong>and</strong> a<br />
weak f, a strong v <strong>and</strong> a weak v, so that only <strong>the</strong> strength of <strong>the</strong> sound,<br />
<strong>and</strong> not its nature, changes.<br />
(Storm, 1908:29; my translation)<br />
In o<strong>the</strong>r (perhaps less <strong>in</strong>fluential) writ<strong>in</strong>gs, differences <strong>in</strong> degree of<br />
aspiration are accounted for more explicitly. For example, Lyttkens &<br />
Wulff (1885:266ff) advocate four series of stops <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir phonetic account<br />
of Swedish: strongly aspirated p, t, k; weakly aspirated p, t, k;<br />
voiceless (or half-voiced) unaspirated 2 , , ; <strong>and</strong> voiced b, d, g. In <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
description, strongly aspirated stops occur ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> word onsets before<br />
stressed vowels, as well as <strong>in</strong> utterance-f<strong>in</strong>al position, e.g. påle, tall <strong>and</strong><br />
1 The part of Storm’s overview referred to here was orig<strong>in</strong>ally published <strong>in</strong> 1884.<br />
2 Or very weakly aspirated.<br />
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