Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
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In most respects, <strong>the</strong> general description of <strong>the</strong> distribution of stop<br />
variants <strong>in</strong> Swedish has not changed from <strong>the</strong> latter half of <strong>the</strong> 19 th century,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> difference between word-<strong>in</strong>itial <strong>and</strong> -medial fortis stops still<br />
appears to be regarded as a result of context, although this is seldom<br />
stated explicitly. For example, Löfqvist & Yoshioka (1980) give <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />
account:<br />
Swedish voiceless stops are aspirated <strong>in</strong> prestress position <strong>and</strong><br />
unaspirated when <strong>the</strong>y immediately follow a stressed vowel or /s/.<br />
Although this difference between aspirated <strong>and</strong> unaspirated voiceless<br />
stops is not phonemic <strong>in</strong> Swedish, when aspiration occurs it serves as<br />
one of <strong>the</strong> cues for <strong>the</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ction between voiced <strong>and</strong> voiceless stops,<br />
s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> former are always unaspirated. In addition, <strong>the</strong> presence or<br />
absence of aspiration <strong>in</strong> voiceless stops <strong>in</strong> some contexts marks <strong>the</strong><br />
location of a word boundary.<br />
(Löfqvist & Yoshioka, 1980:793f)<br />
The last remark, that aspiration <strong>in</strong> stops can be an <strong>in</strong>dicator of a word<br />
boundary, appears to be a response to examples <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> placement<br />
of a word boundary decides whe<strong>the</strong>r a stop is aspirated. For example,<br />
Löfqvist & Yoshioka <strong>in</strong>vestigated word pairs such as Liszt pilar vs. Lis<br />
spelar, <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> former p is aspirated <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter is not. The effect<br />
of word boundary placement had been noted earlier (cf. Lyttkens 1898:25,<br />
Noreen 1918-24:24-28, Elert 1957, Gård<strong>in</strong>g 1967), although differences<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> degree of aspiration as such are not specifically mentioned.<br />
Obviously, <strong>the</strong> characterisation of a stop system <strong>in</strong> terms of parameters<br />
such as aspiration <strong>and</strong> voic<strong>in</strong>g is a simplification, especially s<strong>in</strong>ce it<br />
has been demonstrated that a large number of different acoustic cues are<br />
relevant for <strong>the</strong> perception of stop contrasts. Review<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> research on<br />
<strong>the</strong> perceptual categorisation of <strong>in</strong>itial stops <strong>in</strong> English, Diehl <strong>and</strong><br />
Kluender (1987) identify ten acoustic parameters that are relevant for<br />
stop category judgements. These <strong>in</strong>clude voice-onset time, duration of<br />
voiced-formant transitions, onset frequencies (<strong>and</strong> directions) of first,<br />
second <strong>and</strong> third formants, duration of aspiration, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>tensity of aspiration.<br />
For stop contrasts <strong>in</strong> word-medial position <strong>in</strong> English, Lisker (1978)<br />
has compiled an even longer list of cues, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> presence or absence<br />
of low-frequency buzz dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> closure <strong>in</strong>terval, duration of closure,<br />
first-formant offset frequency before closure, voice-onset time after<br />
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