Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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closure, decay time of the glottal signal preceding closure, and burst intensity following closure. The list of acoustic parameters relevant for categorical judgements is bound to be language dependent, since aspiration and voicing are utilised in different ways in different languages. As for the languages of Scandinavia and the North Atlantic, one relevant acoustic parameter is the amount of (glottal) friction present in the acoustic signal on the boundary of a vowel and a subsequent stop. Such friction occurs when voice offset is initiated before oral closure for the stop is achieved, and is perceived as an h-sound on the vowel–stop boundary. This phenomenon is most commonly referred to as preaspiration. The presence of such glottal friction in the production of wordmedial fortis stops in Central Standard Swedish has been noted by Gobl & Ní Chasaide (1988) as well as Fant et al. (1991). In this work it is demonstrated that some speakers of Swedish use this type of early voice offset, i.e. preaspiration, systematically when producing sequences of vowel and fortis stop, while others tend not to do so, or only do so to a limited extent. A similar trend has been noted for Trondheim Norwegian (Moxness 1997; van Dommelen 1998, 1999, 2000). Importantly, van Dommelen (1998) demonstrates that speakers who do not preaspirate themselves are still able to use preaspiration to distinguish between stop categories in Trondheim Norwegian. Preaspiration has been “generalised” in several languages and dialects in Northwestern Europe. The term “generalised” implies that early voice offset (relative to stop closure) has become normative, i.e. obligatory in the production of the vowel + fortis stop sequence. This phenomenon is most widely recognised as a feature of Icelandic, but is in fact found in Faroese and several dialects of both Norwegian and Swedish, as well as in Scots Gaelic and most Saami languages. The fact that such diverse language groups are involved has prompted the classification of preaspiration in Northwestern Europe as an areal phenomenon (Wagner 1964). Several different accounts regarding the origin of preaspiration have been advanced. In this respect there are two central issues. The first concerns the age of preaspiration: Is preaspiration a relatively late develop- – 8 –
ment that has emerged in each language or dialect independently of others? Or is it an early development, predating the separation of Icelandic, Faroese and mainland Scandinavian (Norwegian and Swedish), that has since disappeared in most of Scandinavia? The second issue concerns the question of whether Celtic, Old Norse or Saami should be seen as the “source” of preaspiration. As regards the latter issue, the position of Posti (1954), Borgstrøm (1974) and Hansson (1997) will be adopted, that preaspiration in both Saami and Gaelic is due to contact with Nordic languages. As regards the former issue, some earlier theories, as well as some ideas based on the findings of the present work, will be outlined in Chapter 5. – 9 –
Page 1: Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
Page 4 and 5: PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
Page 7 and 8: CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
Page 9: 4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
Page 12 and 13: the following pages. Thanks also to
Page 14 and 15: ported, but these should only be ta
Page 16 and 17: Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
Page 18 and 19: lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
Page 23 and 24: 2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
Page 25 and 26: and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
Page 27 and 28: turn into ChV sequences in which V
Page 29 and 30: 2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
Page 31 and 32: The similarity in gestural organisa
Page 33 and 34: The fact that both preaspiration an
Page 35 and 36: have normative preaspiration, other
Page 37 and 38: usually expressed as unaspirated an
Page 39 and 40: while clusters have developed into
Page 41 and 42: ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
Page 43 and 44: y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
Page 45 and 46: ut this is not true of the “stand
Page 47 and 48: 2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
Page 49 and 50: The second criticism of Bladon’s
Page 51 and 52: in discharge rates in the auditory
Page 53: number of languages that possess se
Page 56 and 57: and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
Page 58 and 59: For the sake of simplicity and luci
Page 60 and 61: ‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 66 and 67: Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71:
in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73:
Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75:
long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 76 and 77:
grams), with the occasional aid of
Page 78 and 79:
quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81:
ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83:
Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85:
whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87:
(Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89:
(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91:
stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93:
do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95:
Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
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There are very few examples of clus
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Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101:
one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103:
ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105:
example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107:
does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109:
Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111:
approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113:
1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115:
1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117:
Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119:
and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121:
ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123:
Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
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4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127:
very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129:
Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131:
The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133:
produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135:
To examine effects of syllable stru
Page 136 and 137:
preaspiration for lexically stresse
Page 138 and 139:
durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
Page 142 and 143:
noise becomes audibly postalveolar
Page 144 and 145:
As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147:
most of the remaining instances he
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(comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151:
The CSw data have shown that word-i
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golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155:
o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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word-initial lenis stop preceded by
Page 158 and 159:
(i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161:
make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163:
[mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
Page 164 and 165:
clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
Page 166 and 167:
All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169:
Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
Page 170 and 171:
cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
Page 172 and 173:
4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
Page 174 and 175:
closure gesture. As the escape chan
Page 176 and 177:
fricative constriction cannot be at
Page 178 and 179:
is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181:
4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183:
from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185:
Many instances of word-medial forti
Page 186 and 187:
In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
Page 188 and 189:
that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193:
On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
Page 194 and 195:
120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
Page 196 and 197:
Icelandic listeners, even though th
Page 198 and 199:
discussion of possible reasons for
Page 200 and 201:
Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
Page 202 and 203:
these speakers will henceforth be r
Page 204 and 205:
lenes are often produced with a voi
Page 206 and 207:
Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
Page 208 and 209:
inte ‘not’ without the final vo
Page 210 and 211:
ange for the remaining subjects is
Page 212 and 213:
For word-medial contexts data are a
Page 214 and 215:
instances may have preaspiration on
Page 216 and 217:
4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
Page 218 and 219:
that the ON word-initial lenes have
Page 220 and 221:
dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
Page 226 and 227:
stops that we find in, for example,
Page 228 and 229:
oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
Page 230 and 231:
Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
Page 232 and 233:
On a quite different note, Liberman
Page 234 and 235:
dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
Page 236 and 237:
(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
Page 238 and 239:
observed phonological distribution
Page 240 and 241:
sense, preaspiration is linked more
Page 242 and 243:
higher degree of spectral tilt than
Page 244 and 245:
a failure to apply a process of per
Page 246 and 247:
similar to that in CSw today. Some
Page 248 and 249:
from t1 through t8, the productions
Page 250 and 251:
ation, voiceless nasality before fo
Page 252 and 253:
parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
Page 254 and 255:
identity and paralinguistic informa
Page 256 and 257:
—. 1974. “On the influence of N
Page 258 and 259:
Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
Page 260 and 261:
Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
Page 262 and 263:
Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
Page 264 and 265:
—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
Page 266 and 267:
Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
Page 269:
Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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