Bruce Allen Scharlau PhD thesis - Research@StAndrews:FullText

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'defence against subversion' in the seventies (39.2%) than in the
eighties ( 36 . 7%) as mentioned in chapter three. Similar to Table 7.1,
the lack of other data in the early years before the rise of terrorism
skews the figures. Deleting the figure for 1970 raises the seventies
average to 44%.
Table 7.2 also shows that the left-wing terrorist caused a public
backlash. If the 'defence against subversion i
figures are interpreted as
public reaction to terrorism, then the 1977 figures show half the
population against them, when they were at their peak. In 1970, before
any deaths, the groups were still up against twenty percent of the
public. The fact that seventy percent of the public wanted some reform
possibly explains the amount of sympathy with which the groups began. 4
Together both tables show the general public did not identify with
the terrorists. On the other hand, the tables do not show a reciprocal
identification with the government. The seventies saw the need for
defence against subversion, while the eighties exhibited a need for
reform. Both of these were supported by a belief in democracy.
Both tables also exhibit some potential support for terrorists
amongst the small percentage that believe revolutionary action is
necessary, and who do not support democracy. These people could
potentially be mobilised in some circumstances.
Both tables also show in their figures fran former East Germany that
there is a possible group of sympathisers for the various terrorist
groups in the dissatisfaction with democracy and who are eager for
reform. The reduction of these figures in the coming years would be a
sign that the government is handling the concerns of these potential
terrorist supporters in an appropriate manner.
This small dissatisfied group is the basis for the ill-defined group
of people labelled as terrorist sympathisers. When public concern about
sympathisers was possibly at its height in 1977 a Spiegel magazine
series concluded that sympathisers were those held to be such, and that
the word had become a political tool. 5 This ignores those who state a
willingness to assist the terrorists. These two groups are not
necessarily identical, but indicates the extent of public support and
belief of support for terrorists.
A March 1971 survey showed that 16 to 29 year olds were the most
supportive, with 25% of them, and 18% of the 30 to 44 year olds, viewing
the RAF as political fighters. On average 51% of the public saw them as
4 Christopher Hewitt, "Terrorism and Public Opinion: A Five Country
Canparison" Terrorism and Political Violence 2 (2) 1990, 145-170, 157-8.
5 "'Mord beginnt beim boesen Wort'" Der Spiegel 41/1977, 28-47, 30.