EXPLAINING SOCIAL EXCLUSION - Institut fÃ¼r Soziologie

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Editor: Review Editor: Associate Editorst Barric O. Pettman, International Institute of Social Economics Jill Manthorpe, University of Hüll, Department of Social Work, Hüll HU6 7RX Erik Allardt, University of Helsinki Simon Bekkcr, The Urban Foundation, Johannesburg Berch Berberoglu, University of Navada Robert Bierstedt, University of Virginia Tom Bottomore, University of Sussex Sally Bould, University of delaware Benjamin P. Bowser, California Säte University, Hayward Otar Brox, University of Tromso Jose Cazaria, University of Granada Mohamed Cherkaoui, University of Paris - Sorbonne John Cross.Vassar College Y. D. Dam'ie, University of Poona K. Dobbelaere, Catholic University of Leuven Tim Dowd, Emory University John Eldridge, University of Glasgow Maria-Pilar Garcia, Universidad Simon Bolivar Anthony Giddens, University of Cambridge Gergory Gizelis, Academy of Athens Björn Gustaven, Oslo Work Research Institutes Leonard M. Henny, State University of Utrech H. J. Hoffman-Nowotny, University of Zürich Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao, Institute of Ethonology, Taiwan Ronald N. Jacobs, University at Albany Mette Jensen, Roskilde Universitetcenter Ken Judge, University of Kent, Canterbury David Karen, Bryn Mawr College Lisa A. Keister, The Ohio State University Hiroshi Komai, University of Tsukaba Cheng-shu Kao, Tunghal University, Taiwan Kilma'n Kulsclr, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Jolanta Kulspinka, University of Lodz David Macarov, University of Jerusalem Donald Mac-Rae, London School of Economics Zdravko Minar, University of Ljubljana Alfonso Morales, University of Texas at El Paso Guiseppe Morosini, Universita delgi stud di Torino Anna Olszewska, Instyut Filozofii i Socjologii, Warsaw Eise 0yen, University of Bergen David N. Pellow, Universiry of Colorado at Boulder Glanfranco Poggi, Iniversity of Edinburgh A. G. Schutte, University of Wirwatersrand Duncan Timms, University of Stirling Renato Treves, University of Milan Joji Watanuki, Sophia University Peter Weingart, University of Bielefeid Wlodzimierz Wesolowski. Polish Academy Volume 21 Number 4/5/6 2001 Contents Explaining Social Exclusion by Jenny Jarman Page Social exclusion and public policy: the relationship between local school admission arrangements and segregation by poverty" by Stephen Gorard, Chris Taylor and John Fitz 10 Young People's Explanations and Experiences of Social Exclusion: Retrieving Bourdieu's Concept of Social Capital by Virginia Morrow 37 A Story of "Difference", A Different Story: Young Homeless Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual People by Shirley Prendergast, Gillian A. Dünne, David Telford 64 Unemployment and Social Mobility in East German by Reinhold Sackmann, Michael Windzio and Matthias Wingens 92 Unemployment without Social Exclusion: Evidence from Young People In Eastern Europe by Ken Roberts \ New Fatherhood in Practice? Parental Leave in the UK by Esther Dermott 145 An International Comparative Analysis of Marriage Patterns and Social Stratification by Ken Prandy and Frank L. Jones 165 Inclusion or Exclusion? Reflections on the Evidence of declining racial disadvantage in the British labour market by Paul Iganski, GeoffPayne and Judy Roberts \4 Risk of Social Exclusion in Later Life: How well do the pension Systems of Britain and the US accommodate women's paid and unpaid work by Jay Ginn 212 3 j
International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 92 Unemployment and social mobility in East Germany by Reinhold Sackmann, Professor, EMPAS, University of Bremen, Michael Windzio, PD, EMPAS, University of Bremen and Matthias Wingens, PD, University of Bremen High unemployment rates are still a major problem faced by many European societies; the Situation is especially grave during the transition process from a communist to a market economy. We know that unemployment has effects on the psychological well-being of persons affected (Kieselbach 2000) and on the functioning of communities hit by a high concentration of unemployment (Jahoda, Lazarsfeld and Zeisel 1971). However, our knowledge with regard to the long-term effects of unemployment on careers is rather limited. Some authors conclude that unemployment is only a transition phase in the life course and has a limited effect on long-term careers (Mutz et al. 1995). In contrast, other authors argue that unemployment is a first step towards processes of social exclusion, featuring unemployment äs a major mechanism of disintegrating certain groups from Society (Kronauer, Vogel and Gerlach 1993). Major social policy interventions fostering workfare instead of welfare äs well äs programs focussing on employability build on this kind of social diagnosis. The effects of youth unemployment on careers may be even more crucial. Youth unemployment in transition societies is seen äs a critical life event, because long-term effects of unemployment may not only leave a "scar" on the careers of the individuals (OECD 1998) but can also be a cause of major social problems in transition societies, e.g. criminal behaviour and, or racist behaviour, destabilising the fragile equilibrium of accelerated social change in transition societies. Thus, there is a need for empirical research on the long-term effects of unemployment. Methodologically, longitudinal analysis, especially event history analysis, was a major improvement for the study of the connection of life courses and social change. The aim of this article is to look into the long-term effects of unemployment on social mobility, using longitudinal data on young East Germans during the transition period. In order to simultaneously pursue transitions and Volume 21 Number 4/5/6 2001 93 trajectories, two methods are used: event-history and optimalmatching analysis. Data set For the empirical analysis of the East German Career Study, a longitudinal data set of young East German labour market entry cohorts is used, which was set up at the Special Collaborative Centre 186. The data set (Weymann, Sackmann and Wingens 1999) consists of 3776 young skilled workers who participated in an apprenticeship and young university graduates, all taking exams in 1985 (before the transformation), in 1990 (the reunification year) and 1995. The data set is not representative for all young people in East Germany, but only for the two most numerous qualification levels: young skilled workers and Professionals. Thus we restrict generalisations of our results to these groups. For questions of exclusion, you have to take into account that the "unqualified" are not part of the sample. However, the "unqualified" make up a very small group in East Germany, äs they only account for 3% of the cohort of young people. Theoretically, we take a dynamic approach to the phenomenon of exclusion. Cross-sectional data on unemployment can be misleading, äs they suggest that uniform levels of unemployment refer to a constant group of the unemployed. Longitudinal studies that use life event analysis have improved the dynamic analysis of unemployment. Studies usually focus on processes that cause the selectivity of becoming unemployed and processes causing exit from unemployment. Research results from this method suggest that unemployment is a transient position (Mutz et al. 1995). While results gained with this method fürthered unemployment research, it also has some blind spots. If one only looks at single transitions of unemployment, one can miss its long-term effects. The starting point of our analysis is to look into the long-term effects of unemployment for careers. To get an answer to this question, we use two methods: a) we use event-history analysis to see how unemployment (äs a time-dependent variable) influences processes of social mobility; b) we use the relatively new method of optimal matching analysis to find patterns of careers.
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