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Promoting Grit, Tenacity, and Perseverance - U.S. Department of ...

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Draft<br />

Effortful Control<br />

In Angela Duckworth <strong>and</strong> colleague’s (2010) study <strong>of</strong> National Spelling Bee champions, they<br />

summed up the findings as follows:<br />

Deliberate practice—operationally defined in the current investigation as the solitary<br />

study <strong>of</strong> word spellings <strong>and</strong> origins—was a better predictor <strong>of</strong> National Spelling Bee<br />

performance than either being quizzed by others or engaging in leisure reading. With<br />

each year <strong>of</strong> additional preparation, spellers devoted an increasing proportion <strong>of</strong> their<br />

preparation time to deliberate practice, despite rating the experience <strong>of</strong> such activities as<br />

more effortful <strong>and</strong> less enjoyable than the alternative preparation activities. <strong>Grit</strong>tier<br />

spellers engaged in deliberate practice more so than their less gritty counterparts, <strong>and</strong><br />

hours <strong>of</strong> deliberate practice fully mediated the prospective association between grit <strong>and</strong><br />

spelling performance (p. 178).<br />

In essence, the most successful competitors were those whose passion for the long-term goal <strong>of</strong><br />

the National Spelling Bee championship led them to persist with less intrinsically rewarding, but<br />

more effective, practice strategies (Duckworth et al., 2011).<br />

Throughout the course <strong>of</strong> education (<strong>and</strong> in life), students are constantly faced with tasks that are<br />

important for long-term goals but that in the short-term may not feel desirable or intrinsically<br />

motivating, especially in comparison to other ways they could spend their time. Even the most<br />

thoughtfully designed, inquiry-based, emotionally supportive learning environment will have its<br />

share <strong>of</strong> homework assignments that need to supersede, for example, playing games with friends.<br />

Duckworth <strong>and</strong> colleagues point out that as far back as 1899, William James asserted that some<br />

school work will be “repulsive <strong>and</strong> cannot be done without voluntarily jerking back the attention<br />

to it every now <strong>and</strong> then” (p. 179).<br />

Duckworth has written extensively about psychological resources that enable students to persist<br />

at such tasks <strong>and</strong> that are predictive <strong>of</strong> academic success—self-discipline <strong>and</strong> self-control. While<br />

colloquial <strong>and</strong> research definitions <strong>of</strong> these vary widely, they can be boiled down to some key<br />

facets. Duckworth (2009) conceptualizes self-discipline as “the ability to marshal willpower to<br />

accomplish goals <strong>and</strong> uphold st<strong>and</strong>ards that one personally regards as desirable. That is, selfdiscipline<br />

isn’t the capacity to do what other people order you to do; rather, it is the capacity to<br />

do what you want to do. It’s knowing how to manage your emotions <strong>and</strong> thoughts, <strong>and</strong> knowing<br />

how to plan your behavior so you can reach your goals” (p. 536). She conceptualizes self-control<br />

in terms <strong>of</strong> executive functions—the ability to control <strong>and</strong> regulate attention in the face <strong>of</strong><br />

distractions, <strong>and</strong> the ability to inhibit inferior but strong impulses (e.g., surfing the Internet) to<br />

act on superior goals (e.g., completing homework assignments) (Duckworth, 2011). Similarly,<br />

she includes delay <strong>of</strong> gratification in the conceptualization <strong>of</strong> self-control (Duckworth & Kern,<br />

2011).<br />

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