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Drivers of environmental innovation - Vinnova

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on the theory <strong>of</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> trade. A firm’s or country’s competitiveness is shaped<br />

by its ability to take advantage <strong>of</strong> costs lower than their competitors. Trade<br />

between two countries begins when one has a comparative advantage<br />

compared to the other. This in turn is the consequence <strong>of</strong> the fact that the<br />

countries are differently endowed in terms <strong>of</strong> their factors <strong>of</strong> production.<br />

Translated to the context <strong>of</strong> pollution and emission control, it could be argued<br />

that when a firm pollutes it is using a natural resource in the form <strong>of</strong> a clean<br />

environment. When the firm is forced to reduce the emissions it seems that it<br />

suddenly has relatively less <strong>of</strong> this resource. The firm loses all or a part <strong>of</strong> its<br />

right to pollute and, therefore, loses more or less <strong>of</strong> its competitive advantage.<br />

This results in lower exports <strong>of</strong> the products for which the environment was<br />

used as a factor <strong>of</strong> production (Marklund, 1997).<br />

Critique and attempts to test the Porter Hypothesis<br />

There have been many reactions to the articles by Porter and van der Linde.<br />

Researchers have attempted to test their ideas. Agencies and governmental staff<br />

alike have considered these new ideas to be important and <strong>of</strong> interest to policy<br />

making regardless <strong>of</strong> their verification difficulties. If there is a possibility to<br />

decouple the conflict between <strong>environmental</strong> protection and competitiveness,<br />

there is much to gain for the industry and the individual nations, the question<br />

then becomes how to make this happen.<br />

Porter and van der Linde do not, in a formal sense, test whether the hypothesis<br />

can be rejected or not. Instead they <strong>of</strong>fer examples in the form <strong>of</strong> case studies to<br />

verify the hypothesis. In part this is what the opponents <strong>of</strong> the hypothesis<br />

criticise, as the studied firms are just a fraction <strong>of</strong> the industry in question. As<br />

Palmer et al express: “It would be an easy matter for us to assemble a matching<br />

list where firms have found their costs increased and pr<strong>of</strong>its reduced as a result<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>environmental</strong> regulations, not to mention cases where regulation has<br />

pushed firms over the brink into bankruptcy” (Palmer et al, 1995). Jaffe and<br />

Palmer call the evidence <strong>of</strong> the case studies, provided in support <strong>of</strong> the<br />

hypothesis, “largely anecdotal”. They continue: “while these case studies<br />

indicate that <strong>environmental</strong> regulation may create incentives for <strong>innovation</strong> in<br />

certain situations, they do not provide a general assessment <strong>of</strong> the impact <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>environmental</strong> regulation on innovative activity.”<br />

Jaffe and Palmer also argue that a more systematic economic analysis <strong>of</strong> the<br />

hypothesis is hindered by ambiguity as to exactly what the hypothesis is. One<br />

example <strong>of</strong> this ambiguity is that Porter points to the importance <strong>of</strong> regulation<br />

focusing on outcomes and not processes. Jaffe and Palmer argue that this<br />

implies that certain types <strong>of</strong> <strong>environmental</strong> regulation stimulate <strong>innovation</strong>, but<br />

other types do not. Unfortunately, they write, almost all <strong>of</strong> the existing U.S.<br />

<strong>environmental</strong> legislation is not <strong>of</strong> the type prescribed by Porter but rather it is<br />

setting both the goals <strong>of</strong> regulation and the processes for achieving those<br />

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