INVESTING IN TREES AND LANDSCAPE ... - PROFOR
INVESTING IN TREES AND LANDSCAPE ... - PROFOR
INVESTING IN TREES AND LANDSCAPE ... - PROFOR
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Fenske (2011) points out that while the link between land tenure and agricultural investment is<br />
strong, 20 years of empirical studies have failed to show its robustness in Africa. His analysis of<br />
land tenure and agricultural investment in West Africa found a significant link between tenure and<br />
investment for fallow and tree planting but a less robust relationship between tenure and labor<br />
use, chemical fertilizer, and other inputs. The importance of use in securing land rights in the<br />
region explains the strong link between tenure and fallow investment: Land left fallow may be lost.<br />
Because tree planting commonly enhances rights, the activity may sometimes be more prevalent<br />
on insecurely held lands, while elsewhere there are strong social norms against making such land<br />
claims. In general, greater rights can bolster incentives to plant trees.<br />
In parts of Africa, the forestry sector has developed independently of land tenure policies for<br />
agriculture and pastoralism. The omission of community forestry principles is an obstacle to effective<br />
management of land. These laws give rights to local communities for forest use and management.<br />
Ownership transfer from the state to an interested community extends land and tree tenure on<br />
the basis of customary rights and aims to motivate people living near forests to protect and ensure<br />
sustainable management as a permanent source of income and livelihood, thereby dramatically<br />
reducing the risk of tenure insecurity. While most African countries have decentralized their forest<br />
governance systems within the past two decades, policy reform in the forest sector has taken many<br />
different forms—from partial devolution of management responsibility to more profound devolution<br />
of ownership to communities—and the distribution of benefits has varied (German, Karsenty,<br />
and Tiani 2009). Table 2.1 provides a snapshot of forest land ownership in 18 African countries,<br />
demonstrating that while the area in public and private community use and ownership increased<br />
between 2002 and 2008 in most countries, it remains a small proportion relative to forest land<br />
administered by government entities.<br />
Nevertheless, government acknowledgment of customary rights, involving local institutions in<br />
decentralization processes, and involving local people in management improve protection of<br />
investment in forest management and development while fostering a more equitable distribution<br />
of benefits (Barrow et al. 2009). The value of securing private rights is illustrated in the Niger<br />
example in box 6. A spatial analysis of which countries have forest reform laws, overlaid with other<br />
dimensions of tenure security, would provide a useful tool for predicting where forest tenure would<br />
be conducive to stable and rewarding investment.<br />
TABLE 2.1. CHANGES <strong>IN</strong> FOREST TENURE <strong>IN</strong> AFRICA, 2002–2008<br />
COUNTRY PUBLIC PRIVATE<br />
(by descending area<br />
of forest cover as<br />
identified by FAO 2006a)<br />
Areas in millions of<br />
hectares (Mha)<br />
Governmentadministered<br />
Reserved for<br />
communities and<br />
indigenous groups<br />
Owned by<br />
communities and<br />
indigenous groups<br />
Owned by<br />
individuals and firms<br />
2002 2008 2002 2008 2002 2008 2002 2008<br />
Angola 59.73 59.10 0 0 0 0 0 0<br />
Burkina Faso 6.69 6.35 0.23 0.39 0 0 0.05<br />
Cameroon 22.80 20.11 0 1.14 0 0 0 0<br />
CAR 22.90 22.76 0 0 0 0 0 0<br />
Chad 12.32 11.22 0 0.70 0 0 0 0<br />
Congo 22.06 22.01 0 0.46 0 0 0 0<br />
64 <strong><strong>IN</strong>VEST<strong>IN</strong>G</strong> <strong>IN</strong> <strong>TREES</strong> <strong>AND</strong> L<strong>AND</strong>SCAPE RESTORATION <strong>IN</strong> AFRICA