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Cyclone Giri - Two Years On - Burma Action Ireland

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<strong>Cyclone</strong> <strong>Giri</strong>: <strong>Two</strong> <strong>Years</strong> <strong>On</strong><br />

The SPDC only reversed its policies under sustained international pressure, e.g. by the UN,<br />

China, ASEAN, Japan, and the West after Nargis. After <strong>Giri</strong> there was no such pressure, leading<br />

to prolonged unnecessary suffering – still occuring today;<br />

Monitoring, evaluation and oversight mechanisms by donors was rather limited;<br />

Livelihood recovery should be identified and initiated as soon as possible;<br />

The need for a broader protection cluster to address protection gaps as protection is a challenge<br />

due to the political sensitivity associated with human rights;<br />

A major obstacle to reporting fraud or relief misuse is that Burmese staff are reluctant to report<br />

bad news to donors;<br />

The Post-Nargis Recovery and Preparedness Plan (PONREPP) and other reports attribute a<br />

surprisingly positive role to the SPDC and its affiliates in the relief and recovery despite the<br />

junta’s failure to adequately support relief and recovery by contributing only very little despite<br />

huge foreign currency reserves: 141 no total amount SPDC/NDPCC earmarked and/or indicators<br />

of its impact on the survivors has been made public;<br />

The recovery would have been further if there had been no SPDC interference; 142 Donors committed<br />

funds for the relief stage, but insufficient funds for the recovery stage;<br />

2 years on, the hardest hit townships were still in an emergency state; 143 and<br />

3 years after Nargis (2011):<br />

o “Shelter was never given the priority it deserved from donors, say aid workers.” 144<br />

some 375,000 people still needed housing (UN HABITAT).<br />

at least 62% of households live in non-disaster resistant shelters (UNISDR)<br />

o<br />

“The response of the international community was definitely not commensurate with<br />

the scale of the need.” 145<br />

Just four agencies are still working on shelter.<br />

Shelter recovery was the least funded sector of all.<br />

As we will show in the next sections, barely two years later <strong>Giri</strong> would prove that many of these lessons<br />

were not learned. Furthermore, the Nargis window of opportunity did not end well (see Box 4.4) and did<br />

not help the <strong>Giri</strong> protection and assistance operation, especially in view of the upcoming election.<br />

Box 4.4: <strong>Burma</strong> Dashes ASEAN and UN Hopes of Disaster Cooperation<br />

“The [Tripartite Core Group (TCG): ASEAN, the UN and the government] has been a success in<br />

dealing with the delivery of assistance to the victims of <strong>Cyclone</strong> Nargis,’ [ASEAN Secretary General]<br />

Surin Pitsuwan told The Irrawaddy. The initial success raised hopes in both the UN and the region<br />

that it might be a model for other devastating development problems in the country and might even<br />

have a role to play in the government’s national reconciliation process. ‘Six months into the<br />

engagement that Asean had with Myanmar [<strong>Burma</strong>] on the recovery process, there was a real<br />

momentum, that all involved were confident it could open up a larger space for humanitarian work<br />

to be expanded to involve health, poverty eradication, primary education, in other parts of the<br />

country’ he said.[…] But this all came to nothing, as the government proved reluctant to have<br />

international aid workers have unhindered access to other parts of the country. In July, the Burmese<br />

government announced the complete end to TCG operations, raising fears in the development<br />

community in <strong>Burma</strong> that the old habits of the past will resume.[…] At the root of the problem is the<br />

Burmese regime’s own strategic concerns, which Asean is well aware of. ‘After a year of trying, we<br />

got a clear message that the Government would rather concentrate on preparing for the elections<br />

that had been promised for 2010, rather than having to deal with foreign aid workers flowing into<br />

the countryside,’ Surin Pitsuwan said. In fact the Burmese government was sending out strong signals<br />

long before that left few in any doubt that the top brass were embarrassed by the TCG operation, as<br />

in affect it gave the impression the government could not deal with the situation. In February 2009,<br />

the Burmese chairman of the TCG and then Deputy Foreign Minister, Kyaw Thu, was kicked upstairs<br />

and effectively released of his responsibilities in the TCG [...]. Noeleen Heyzer [ESCAP head] told<br />

23

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