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Missing Targets: An alternative MDG midterm report<br />

food and non-food requirements (e.g. clothing, fuel,<br />

light, water, housing maintenance/rental, medical care,<br />

education, transportation, communication. On a daily<br />

basis, government is telling us that everyday, a person<br />

only needs PhP27.46 for food, or about PhP9 per<br />

person per meal, and PhP13.79 for non-food requirements,<br />

figures which we know are “ridiculously low,”<br />

especially for the non-food comp<strong>one</strong>nt.<br />

Government’s latest admission of worsening poverty<br />

is now more consistent with other indicators that<br />

say as much (e.g., worsening indicators in the areas of<br />

health, education, including self-rated hunger). There<br />

are other reasons, however, to cast doubt on official<br />

poverty statistics, especially as these claimed declining<br />

levels of poverty incidence in the recent past. To begin<br />

with, the comparability of the official poverty estimates<br />

of NSCB from 1990 to 2003 is undermined by the<br />

1992 and 2003 major changes in methodology. The<br />

1992 method was retroactively used in the 1985 and<br />

1988 figures, and remained in effect for the 1994, 1997<br />

and 2000 rounds of the Family Income and Expenditure<br />

Survey (FIES). In 2003, a methodology change<br />

was again implemented but its retroactive application<br />

was only up to the 1997 figures—thereby deterring<br />

comparison with earlier data sets. 4 As such, there were<br />

two overlapping series: <strong>one</strong> from 1985 to 2000 and<br />

the second from 1997 to 2003. One other limitation<br />

of the FIES is its exclusion of families without “official<br />

and permanent residence” (the ambulant poor who live<br />

under the bridge, squatter areas, on the streets). 5 This<br />

has led the poor to be under-represented in the study.<br />

Suffice it to say, the new methodology resulted in<br />

lower poverty headcounts, and some of the trends were<br />

changed. For example, under the old methodology, the<br />

subsistence incidence went up by 0.5 percent which<br />

means more hungry families. Urban poverty increased<br />

by 2 percent. Under the new methodology, subsistence<br />

incidence fell by 0.5 percent and there was no change<br />

in urban poverty. 6<br />

More important, the Asian Development Bank<br />

pointed out in its 2005 study that sustained economic<br />

growth from 2000-2003 has not been pro-poor. While<br />

the Philippines did experience sustained economic<br />

growth from 2000-2003, the results of the 2003 data<br />

indicate a 10% drop in real average family incomes. 7<br />

More recently, The 2006 Family Income and Expenditure<br />

Survey (FIES) shows that despite the slight<br />

increase of total family income by 2.6 % and the total<br />

family expenditure by 3.6% between 2003 and 2006,<br />

the average family income for all families fell by 2.8%<br />

and average family expenditures fell by 0.4% during<br />

the same period. The latest FIES also revealed that the<br />

poorest 30% of households were spending more on food<br />

(59% of all expenditures in 2006, compared to 49% in<br />

2003) and consequently were cutting back on expenses<br />

in other areas such as house rent, transportation, communication,<br />

education, medical care, clothing, personal<br />

care and effects, and special family occasions. 8 This<br />

trend is disturbing as it underscores that the increasing<br />

meagerness of incomes of poor families means<br />

prioritizing food expenditures, with little else left to<br />

ensure broader human development dimensions such<br />

as education, medical care, and the like. It is ironic to<br />

note that taxes paid by the bottom 30% significantly<br />

increased during the same period.<br />

This can also help explain the disconnect between<br />

official figures that show a “growing economy” and the<br />

public cynicism that is generated by these growth figures.<br />

That is, that the benefits of such growth are not felt by<br />

the poor. Actually, as the 2003 and 2006 data reveals,<br />

average family incomes even contracted in a period of<br />

economic growth. This is a stark example of inequality.<br />

In the face of rising costs of living, and contracting<br />

household incomes for many Filipinos, many civil society<br />

groups such as the network Global Call to Action<br />

Against Poverty (GCAP)-Philippines, have called into<br />

question the “decline” in poverty incidence, especially<br />

as it is based on a poverty threshold which is seen by<br />

many as “ridiculously low,” and they contest the official<br />

claim of declining poverty.<br />

Finally, it is worth noting that how we define poverty<br />

matters: who we consider as ‘poor’, how we measure poverty,<br />

and the policy conclusions drawn are all influenced<br />

by how we conceptualize poverty. The use of the mon-<br />

4<br />

Tiongson, Rhodora, Eradicating Extreme Poverty and Hunger: Will We Walk the Line, May Pera Pa Ba: Moving Forward with the Millennium Development<br />

Goals, a <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Watch</strong>-Philippines and UNDP publication.<br />

5<br />

Ibid.<br />

6<br />

The Asian Development Bank study “Poverty in the Philippines: Income, Assets and Access”, 2005.<br />

7<br />

Ibid.<br />

8<br />

2006 Family Income and Expenditures Survey Final Results<br />

16 S O C I A L W A T C H P H I L I P P I N E S

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