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Art at War<br />

investigation. Their function is to show something more than this or that<br />

concrete, empirical incident; they produce the universally valid images of the<br />

political sublime. The notion of sublime is associated for us in the first place<br />

with its analysis by Kant who used as examples of the sublime images of the<br />

Swiss mountains and sea tempests. It is also associated with the essay by Jean-<br />

François Lyotard on the relationship between the avant-garde and the sublime.<br />

But, actually, the notion of the sublime has its origin in the treatise by<br />

Edmund Burke on the notions of the sublime and the beautiful—and there<br />

Burke uses as an example of the sublime the public beheadings and tortures<br />

that were common in the centuries before the Enlightenment. But we should<br />

also not forget that the reign of the Enlightenment itself was introduced by<br />

the public exposure of mass beheadings by guillotine in the center of revolutionary<br />

Paris.<br />

In his Phenomenology of Spirit Hegel writes of this exposure that it<br />

created true equality among men because it made perfectly clear that no one<br />

can claim any more that his death has any higher meaning. During the ninetieth<br />

and twentieth centuries the massive depoliticization of the sublime took<br />

place. Now we experience the return not of the real but of the political<br />

sublime—in the form of the repoliticization of the sublime. Contemporary<br />

politics no longer represents itself as beautiful—as even the totalitarian states<br />

of the twentieth century still did. Instead, contemporary politics represents<br />

itself as sublime again—that is, as ugly, repelling, unbearable, terrifying. And<br />

even more: All the political forces of the contemporary world are involved in<br />

the increasing production of the political sublime—by competing for the<br />

strongest, most terrifying image. It is as if Nazi Germany were to advertise for<br />

itself using images of Auschwitz, and the Stalinist Soviet Union using images<br />

of the Gulag. Such a strategy is new. But not as new as it seems to be.<br />

The point Burke had originally tried to make is precisely this: a terrifying,<br />

sublime image of violence is still merely an image. An image of terror is<br />

also produced, staged—and can be aesthetically analyzed and criticized in<br />

terms of a critique of representation. This kind of criticism does not indicate<br />

any lack of moral sense. The moral sense comes in where it relates to the<br />

individual, empirical event that is documented by a certain image. But at<br />

the moment an image begins to circulate in the media and acquires the symbolic<br />

value of a representation of the political sublime, it can be subjected<br />

to art criticism along with every other image. This art criticism can be<br />

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