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Notes to Pages 73–79 197<br />
67. <strong>The</strong> Travels of Sir John Mandeville, trans. and ed. C.W.R.D. Moseley (New York:<br />
Penguin, 1983), 50.<br />
68. See Book of Mormon, passim; John L. Brooke, <strong>The</strong> Refiner’s Fire: <strong>The</strong> Making of<br />
Mormon Cosmology, 1644–1844 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994),<br />
ch. 7.<br />
69. Scholem (Sabbatai àevi, 232) claims that Joseph Almosnino was aware of the<br />
forgery (though not bothered by it) because he refers to it as “a vision that<br />
[Nathan] beheld.” However, if Almosnino heard Cuenque’s version of the<br />
apocalypse’s origin (ibid., 230 n88), that it was given directly to Nathan by Elijah,<br />
his comment would not indicate a belief that Nathan was the original visionary,<br />
but only that Nathan had a vision in which he was given the “Vision<br />
of R. Abraham.”<br />
70. Grafton, Forgers and Critics. A detailed discussion of early modern pseudepigrapha<br />
and forgery can be found in K. K. Ruthven, Faking Literature (Cambridge:<br />
Cambridge University Press, 2001). Ruthven makes the important argument<br />
that the disparagement of literary forgery is really an attempt to mask the fact<br />
that literature and forgery are equally creative constructions.<br />
71. I do think Funkenstein goes too far in completely denying a genuine Jewish<br />
humanism. See Amos Funkenstein, Perceptions of Jewish History (Berkeley: University<br />
of California Press, 1993), 208–19.<br />
72. This is the view of Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 229–33.<br />
73. This letter is discussed in detail in ibid., 267–90; Elqayam, “<strong>The</strong> Mystery of<br />
Faith,” part II, ch. 2.<br />
74. Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 269.<br />
75. Ibid., 272, with my minor modifications to the translation.<br />
76. See Benayahu, Toledoth ha-AR”I, 158–59, 169–71, 178–79, 217–24;<br />
Werblowsky, Joseph Karo, 141–45.<br />
77. Scholem points out (Sabbatai àevi, 280) that Nathan saw himself as a reincarnation<br />
of Luria, and that this was what gave him the authority to modify or eliminate<br />
Lurianic practices.<br />
78. See Lenowitz, “Insertion of R. Hayyim Vital.”<br />
79. See Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 276.<br />
80. See Benyahu, Toledoth ha-AR”I, 168–69.<br />
81. See, e.g., Gershom Scholem, “<strong>The</strong> Story of R. Joseph della Reyna,” [Hebrew]<br />
Zion 5 (1939–40): 123–30; Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 175–76; Zalman Shazar,<br />
“<strong>The</strong> Story of Joseph della Reyna in Sabbatian Tradition,” [Hebrew] Eder ha-<br />
Yakar: S. A. Horodetsky Jubilee Volume, ed. E. Bin-Gurion (Tel-Aviv: Dvir, 1947),<br />
97–118.<br />
82. Aescoly, Jewish Messianic Movements, 330.<br />
83. Scholem astutely points out that “even” in this case really means “especially.”<br />
Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 284–85.<br />
84. This is a major theme in the researches of Yehuda Liebes and Avraham<br />
Elqayam. Scholem was convinced, for reasons not entirely clear to me, that<br />
Nathan’s fascination with Christian images and doctrines, as well as his interest