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The Sabbatean Prophets

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Notes to Pages 73–79 197<br />

67. <strong>The</strong> Travels of Sir John Mandeville, trans. and ed. C.W.R.D. Moseley (New York:<br />

Penguin, 1983), 50.<br />

68. See Book of Mormon, passim; John L. Brooke, <strong>The</strong> Refiner’s Fire: <strong>The</strong> Making of<br />

Mormon Cosmology, 1644–1844 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994),<br />

ch. 7.<br />

69. Scholem (Sabbatai àevi, 232) claims that Joseph Almosnino was aware of the<br />

forgery (though not bothered by it) because he refers to it as “a vision that<br />

[Nathan] beheld.” However, if Almosnino heard Cuenque’s version of the<br />

apocalypse’s origin (ibid., 230 n88), that it was given directly to Nathan by Elijah,<br />

his comment would not indicate a belief that Nathan was the original visionary,<br />

but only that Nathan had a vision in which he was given the “Vision<br />

of R. Abraham.”<br />

70. Grafton, Forgers and Critics. A detailed discussion of early modern pseudepigrapha<br />

and forgery can be found in K. K. Ruthven, Faking Literature (Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press, 2001). Ruthven makes the important argument<br />

that the disparagement of literary forgery is really an attempt to mask the fact<br />

that literature and forgery are equally creative constructions.<br />

71. I do think Funkenstein goes too far in completely denying a genuine Jewish<br />

humanism. See Amos Funkenstein, Perceptions of Jewish History (Berkeley: University<br />

of California Press, 1993), 208–19.<br />

72. This is the view of Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 229–33.<br />

73. This letter is discussed in detail in ibid., 267–90; Elqayam, “<strong>The</strong> Mystery of<br />

Faith,” part II, ch. 2.<br />

74. Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 269.<br />

75. Ibid., 272, with my minor modifications to the translation.<br />

76. See Benayahu, Toledoth ha-AR”I, 158–59, 169–71, 178–79, 217–24;<br />

Werblowsky, Joseph Karo, 141–45.<br />

77. Scholem points out (Sabbatai àevi, 280) that Nathan saw himself as a reincarnation<br />

of Luria, and that this was what gave him the authority to modify or eliminate<br />

Lurianic practices.<br />

78. See Lenowitz, “Insertion of R. Hayyim Vital.”<br />

79. See Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 276.<br />

80. See Benyahu, Toledoth ha-AR”I, 168–69.<br />

81. See, e.g., Gershom Scholem, “<strong>The</strong> Story of R. Joseph della Reyna,” [Hebrew]<br />

Zion 5 (1939–40): 123–30; Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 175–76; Zalman Shazar,<br />

“<strong>The</strong> Story of Joseph della Reyna in Sabbatian Tradition,” [Hebrew] Eder ha-<br />

Yakar: S. A. Horodetsky Jubilee Volume, ed. E. Bin-Gurion (Tel-Aviv: Dvir, 1947),<br />

97–118.<br />

82. Aescoly, Jewish Messianic Movements, 330.<br />

83. Scholem astutely points out that “even” in this case really means “especially.”<br />

Scholem, Sabbatai àevi, 284–85.<br />

84. This is a major theme in the researches of Yehuda Liebes and Avraham<br />

Elqayam. Scholem was convinced, for reasons not entirely clear to me, that<br />

Nathan’s fascination with Christian images and doctrines, as well as his interest

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