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across parents and children alike, who believe that their inability to be ‘literate’ or ‘get an
education’ is more a function of their caste/community identity (for instance adivasis (STs) are
backward and uncivilized etc.) as opposed to the larger political economy. Casual and sometimes
sarcastic comments on the worthwhileness of education in the lives of children who will ‘end up’
doing what their parents do – agricultural wage labour, sweeper, cobbler etc. - dampens a child’s
self-esteem and aspirations (See Box 16).
Ambiguity about the value of education:
Ambiguity about the value of education was reflected in almost all interactions. At one level
people agree that education is important, that it is valuable in itself and enhances self-worth and
dignity. Yet, when they see young men / boys who have dropped out midway, those whose lives
have not changed despite formal education, they are perplexed whether education is really a
stepping stone to a brighter future – meaningful employment, improved status etc. They see that
education does improve self-worth and dignity, yet point out that many children who attended
school for four to five years are not able to read or write fluently. They are torn by this
contradiction. This ambiguity is reflected at all levels and in almost all discussions with families,
adults, children etc. One manifestation of this ambiguity is the decision to send some children to
school while holding back others at home, all within the same family.
Summing Up:
As children in our research sample reach school-going age, the one thing they are assured of
(despite poor nutrition, health, and sanitation) is that their name is going to be recorded in a
school register as proof of formal enrolment. However, what is not assured is whether most
children will be able to able to attend school uninterrupted – not merely because of ill health but
also because they may need to work and the existing school does not motivate them or their
parents to attend/send them to school. Attendance is erratic and chronic absenteeism often the
norm – especially for older boys and girls. In other instances, both boys and girls also work
before and after school, engaging in a wide range of chores – grazing, collection of fodder and
fuel, domestic work, sibling care, and filling water. Our research indicates that this pattern of
(non) attendance as well as physical energy expended on work does impact on the learning
outcomes; however, it is unable to conclusively demonstrate the link. In the absence of
monitoring systems that can and should hold teachers accountable for learning outcomes and the
pervasiveness of caste and gender-based discrimination practices in school, the picture remains
Educational Resource Unit Page 64 April 2003