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INFORME ALTERNATIVO SOBRE LA SALUD EN AMERICA LATINA16Despair in the Americas:Evidences for a Psychosocial Autopsy ofSuicide during Neoliberal DispossessionArturo CampañaThe postmortem inquiry of the personal, family and social characteristicsof suicide cases tends to be named psychological autopsy. Likewise physicalautopsy, this is a cruel, painful and unpleasant resource; however it certainlyhelps to discover and orient around the reasons of a tragic destructivedetermination. The foundation is to systematize the knowledge accomplishedthrough attentive observation, the collection of testimonies, the followingof leads, completing a typology of motivations and differentiating risksby groups, et cetera, and orchestrating measures for the reduction and controlof that death cause. A similar procedure is by some means applied to theinquiry of the reasons that took someone to be converted into the object ofhomicide or other causes of violent death. Through these inquiries, referredto individual cases, hypothesis and explanations emerge, which illustrate theenormous complexity of suicidal behavior and the remainder violent behaviors.Interpretations cover a gamut, which range from the suspicions placedwithin genetic predisposition and biochemical proclivity of the subject, passthrough considering the psychological and affective deficiencies and defectsin the individual, family and social scope of personality structuring, and arriveat the contemplation of more direct inhuman sufferings, such as unemployment,hunger and marginalization.154
Observatorio Latinoamericano de Salud.In this context, talking about "a constellation offactors leading to despair and loneliness" is growing tobe a current formula. We deem such a concept to beof value within the psychosocial field, as it concerns theidea of an assembly of one’s own determinations of differentdimensions and dynamic of human life, and bysome means directs us to avoid adhesion to causal explanationssupposedly integrating, but unilateral, primarilythe ones which tend to reduce the social into themonetary, and whose purpose is to base their explanationson simple numerical and statistical correlations,among causes of violent deaths and loose socioeconomicindicators. Nevertheless, the concept of factorialconstellation conveys an analogous danger: to lightenthe weight of social determination and dim it –evenmaking it disappear- on privileging a multiplicity of importantmediations and determinations in the analysis,but torn apart or isolated from their relation and unitywith the general and historic development of life. Thestudy of human behavior and collective mental healthcompels us not to lose sight of the role of old anthropological,cultural, emotional, and intellective referentsproper to peoples, at the same time that it compels usto track attentively the modifications, displacements,adjustments, and maladjustments of the social matrixwherein their spiritual life develops presently.For instance, if in Yucatán, México, a particular"suicide culture" prevails, associated with the spiritualimportance conceded especially by women to Ixtab,the "Mayan goddess of hanging", that cultural aspectmust be considered when interpreting the problem ofsuicide and the preference of hanging among Yucatecas.However, it is insufficient to explain why within Yucatán,in such a short time, the double of the nationalaverage rate has been reached, and why, in the sameway as Campeche, it shows a preoccupying increase offeminine suicide between 1990 and 2001.In addition, the famous legend of the massive suicideof the Chiapanecas in the "Sumidero" Canon, as acollective decision to deprive themselves of life ratherthan accepting the domination of Spanish conquerors,is to be remembered and appreciated now, at the momentof interpreting why Chiapas presents the lowestsuicide rate in Mexico in 2001, and why from 1990 to2001 it has reduced its population from 1,98 to 1,03per hundred thousand inhabitants. Perhaps it is notillogic to think the collectivist spirit of the masculineand feminine Chiapanecas -who played a leading rolein one of the most salient anti-neoliberal rebellionsknown in the beginning of 1990 and continuing to thepresent- found motives to believe it is not the momentof the dignifying sacrifice of death against the disgraceof slavery anymore, but of collective resistance,of the exploit of liberation, life, and hope.The epidemiological panorama of suicide in theperiod of implantation of the neoliberal model withinour countries, which we will see illustrated through afew examples afterward, invites us to consider thepossibility that beyond the numbers that support therates of "human development" controlled by the agenciesof the international capitalist system, and whichboast of the diminution of infant and maternal mortality,of the access to primary school, to vaccination, andminor coverage of basic services, the model is undoubtedlyaggravating the gap between proprietorsand non-proprietors, imposing unfair and prejudiciallabor conditions in health.This consequently generateseach time major unemployment and marginality, destroyingcommunitarian solidarity networks, family liaisons,principles of education, and human values andthe social senses of orientation and identification. Inbrief, this neoliberal model generates spaces of uncertaintyand lack of perspectives for human groups everlarger, if one takes into account the proportion of peoplewho swell the band of poverty.As indicated by a Chilean author [Camus, 1999],these "social costs" of neoliberal progress not onlywould be reflected in the increase of behaviors such as155
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PEOPLE’S HEALTH ASSEMBLY 2GLOBAL
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LATIN AMERICAN HEALTH WATCHAlternat
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"Our elders taught us that the cele
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12. Neoliberalism, Pesticide Use an
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1Alternative Health Report :A Tool
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Observatorio Latinoamericano de Sal
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Monopoly,Inequity and Health
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INFORME ALTERNATIVO SOBRE LA SALUD
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