54 A STUDY OF NAVAJO SYMBOLISMwith forms and they are never represented indry paintings. 13 There is some indication thatthe symbols, as portrayed here, outwardlyfollow accepted belief. That is, sa'ah na-yaiin one way can be conceived as being a distinctconcept having certain values and attributesas against the distinct values and attributes<strong>of</strong> bikeh xozq. However, these two arealways conceived <strong>of</strong> as being closely interrelatedand linked, 14 as indicated in the drawing.Because knowledge about these two conceptsor beings is so esoteric, no informationcould be gained in plates XII, 5, 11, and XI,8-10, as to what the individual symbols meant,except that as a composite they representedLong Life and Happiness, respectively.These picture writings are representative <strong>of</strong>many Navaho ceremonies. Some <strong>of</strong> the materialhere points to possible future orientationin field work, such as the curing <strong>of</strong> witchcraft.Father Berard believes that all the ceremoniesare inherently good, but that it is only theway in which they are used that makes themevil. 15 For example, any <strong>of</strong> the ceremonies forcuring may be diverted from their inherentgoodness, by placing a red dot at the ankleor wrists <strong>of</strong> the represented person, pointingthe red in the rainbow toward the individualinstead <strong>of</strong> away, or a number <strong>of</strong> other waysin order to witch a person. This is done toliterally make you a ghost, i.e., the GhostWay ritual. At the moment we are concernedwith the symbols and what they mean. It ishoped that the sketchy representation as toceremonial detail and the mere inferencesgiven in reference to the <strong>symbolism</strong> will besupplemented in future work.'Haile, personal communication, December, 1953.'Haile, 1947, p. 17.''Haile, personal communication, December, 1953.
AN ORIGIN LEGEND FOR CURING SORCERYDURING theexplanation <strong>of</strong> the symbolsin the first ceremony, a myth was toldby the informant which he stated to be anorigin legend. This is curious, for no storysimilar to the one recorded in the followingpages is recorded as a complete origin legend.There is a short episode in the myth <strong>of</strong> theMountain Chant which has some points <strong>of</strong>similarity to the legend given by John Yazzi(Wheelwright, 1951, pp. 10-11). And thereare some recorded as trickster or coyotestories.As is generally known, trickster cycles appearover a large part <strong>of</strong> North America. Thefirst portion <strong>of</strong> this myth is rather similar tothose both inside and outside the area <strong>of</strong> thePlains and the Southwest. The general themeisthat the trickster feigns death and returns indisguise to seduce his daughter. In the surroundingareas the following groups possesssuch myths: Southern Paiute, 1 Southern Ute, 2Northern Shoshoni, 3 Jicarilla Apache, 4 Mono, 5and Walapai. 6 The origin myth <strong>of</strong> the JicarillaFemale Shooting Way is similar to the generaltheme <strong>of</strong> the myth recorded here. 7Schmerler 8 claims that although this tale isfound among the Navaho and White MountainApache, they are rare in the Southwest.This is not so, for published and non-publishedmaterial exists on the Navaho alone, 9 butmuch <strong>of</strong> this has come to light since thearticle was written.The one version published similar to theone here was written by Matthews in 1885.The motif is different only in the followingpoints: the mother lives away from her daughterdue to the mother-in-law taboo; the motherdiscovers the deception; the raised child killstwo children unrelated to him; warriors followhim and find him chips <strong>of</strong> wood; and onthe second and following days the number <strong>of</strong>men increases and from these nine men, eight<strong>of</strong> whom are made from wood, are derivedthe Ute Indians.Father Berard, in an unpublished manuscript,10 has also recorded a story similar tothat <strong>of</strong> Matthews. The significant differencesare as follows: 11 the male owl took the boyback to the badger hole; each time the boybegan to start to find his relatives he heardnoises in his trachea, ears, nose, or his skinprickled and/or he had bad dreams, whichwere to be the types <strong>of</strong> warnings the futureEarth People were to have; Coyote's son didnot meet the ash, torch, mano and metate,bush, the yuccas, bear, big snake, thunder andwind; and the boy killed his mother andfather. Another unpublished version has beenrecorded by Leighton. 12 The story is essentiallythe same except Coyote is not the "hero"and the boy is taken back by the father andmother. It is Father Berard's belief 13 that thisstory which tells <strong>of</strong> witchcraft was utilizedas an explanation <strong>of</strong> the origin <strong>of</strong> a ceremony.He bases this on two factors: the activitiesdescribed within the story take place duringpost-emergence time which dates it so it cannotbe classed as an origin legend, and thecoyote in this story is not the Trotting Coyote<strong>of</strong> the pre-emergence period.There are several actions within the folktale that denote association with witchcraftto the Navaho, which explains why theymight have believed the story to be an originlegend. Incest and witchcraft are closely associated,and suspicion <strong>of</strong> one automaticallyleads to suspicion <strong>of</strong> the other. 14 Dyk 15 describesthe Navaho attitude toward such an'Lowie, 1924, p. 172.sLowie, 1924, p. 28."Lowie, 1909, p. 248.*Opler, 1938, p. 280.6Kroeber, 1901, p. 268."Kroeber, 1954, p. 266.7Kluckhohn and Wyman, 1940, pp. 156-57."1931, p. 196."Dyk, 1945; unpublished material in the Ramahfiles at Harvard University. There did exist, at onetime, a chantway to cure people who had committedincest. Haile, n.d., and Kluckhohn, 1944, p. 22, fn.10 Haile, 1929.11Father Berard's version is much longer and moredetailed than the one described here. It is still unpublishedso only a few <strong>of</strong> the important differences willbe pointed out."Leighton, 1940.13 Haile, personal communication, December, 1953.14Kluckhohn, 1944, p. 15.16 '945-55
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UNIVERSITYOF FLORIDALIBRARIES
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PAPERS OF THE PEABODY MUSEUMVOLUME
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PAPERSOF THEPEABODY MUSEUM OF ARCHA
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PART I: NAVAJO SYMBOLS IN SANDPAINT
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CONTENTSPLATE III. Antlered altar f
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PART I:NAVAJO SYMBOLS IN SAND PAINT
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REFERENCES
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(Continued from inside back cover)P