Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy

LABOUR'S WRONGSAND LABOUB'S REMEDY;OR,THE AGE OF MIGHTAND TEIE AGE OF RIGHT.BY J. F. BRAY.___UI"We arc a numerous people, and we want strength ! We have anexcellent soil, and we are destitute of provision! We are active andla%orious, and me live in indigence ! We pay enormous tributes, and\te arc told tltnt they are not sufficient ! We arc at peace without, andour persons and property are not safe within! What, then, is the secrctcnctny that devours us?"-Ruins of Empires.LEEDS:PUBLISHED BY DAVID GREEN, BRIGGATE;J. GUEST, STEELHOUSE-LANE. BIRLIINGHAhIA. HEYWOOD. 60, OLDlI.4hl-STREET, M.NCHESTER;AND SOLD DY ALL BOOKSELLERS.

PREFACE,Whenever :my crisis in tl~c affiri1.s of lnen is about totdte place, there is ever to be found a nl~nlber of peopleready to preach up things as they arc. Tltese championsfight sto~~tly and cu~~ilingly against the innorntion ofexisting institutions anrl 111odrs of acting; and theyendeavour to reason the sensible and aI;tr~n the timidinto remaining qniet, and enduring ~neeklp mhntever evilsthey may be atilicted ~ritl~. Relonging to one class, anrlhaving in view a common ol~ject, these alarmists attemptto convince tl~e people that everything is almost as well asit call be-that few evils are endured by them which arenot necessary consequences of existence-that theirgovernmental burthens may be alleriated by gradual andimperceptible reforms-th~t the present gradations ofsociety, which cause so nlucll discontcntn~eut among thepoor and the oppressed, have always existed, and tl~ereforeever must exist-and that any attenlpts of the productiveclasses to better tliemselves by interfering with this"natural arrangement of society," mill be attended \viththe most disastrous ~.esults to tl~un~selves.Notwithstanding the sage aclvice and the gloomy forebodingsof tl~ese friends of the people, the latter areperpetually endesvouring to the ut~nost of tl~eir power, bymeans of political and trades' unions, to alter the presentstate of things, and keep to the~nsclves that vast amountof wealth which is annually taken from tl~c~n by esistillgusages. But, conscious of ]laving justice on their side, theproductive classes have hitl~erto regarded the end more

and tlie eternity of existing usages. As men, and apartfrom their present position as a poor governed class,oppressed by a rich governing class, the producers ]lavenothing to (lo with the alleged sacredness of establishedinstitntious : they have merely to determine mhethe?it be not possible to change that social lvhole jvhicilkeeps them poor, as well as that governmental part mhiclloppresses tllem because they are poor. The requisiteknowledge can be obtained only by going at once to firstprinciples. In the wortls of one who Iras made manyefforts to uphold the present system, we are now in 6' thevery conditiorl, if the people coultl 1)ut see it, for tl~cexercise of faith in principles. With a darlc and shiftingnear future, and a bright and fixed ultimate destiny, \\.hatis the true, the only wisdom? Not to pry into the fogsor tllickets round about, or to stand still for fea;. of whatmay next occur in tlie path ; but to loolc from Eden gatebellind to heaven gate before, and press on to the certainfuture. In Itis political as in llis ~noralife, ma.] sho~ilil,in the depth of his ignorance and the fallibility of hisjudgment, THROW III~ISELF, IN TITE FULL SENSE OFSECURITY, UPON I~RINCIPLES; and then he is safe from ,being depressed by opposition, or scared by uncertainty, ordepravetl by responsibility."INTRODUCTION.And when these things begin to come to pass, then look ap, andlift up your heda; for your redemptiou clmweth nigll."If it were ever possible to predict wli~t sllnll be, fronl aconsiileration of what llas been-if ever tllE sigl~s of thetimes gave warning of great troubles or changes-there istllat in the present ~vlilcl~ tells us, in n manner riot to bemisunderstood, that tlie hour for tlre f lial conflict betweenRight and Might cannot be fiir distant. Tllat it is timethe event took place, let the wrongs of inan for forty centuries testify-that it is time to put an end to the bondageof labour, let the sufferings of tlre millions of lier martyredcllildren bear witness !From the nature of things there must be a cause forevery effect, hen-ever concealed or inscrutable that causemay be ; and of all causes, none ;ire of so much importanceas those from \rhicli emanate the wide-spread poverty andiliscontcntment which exist at the present time throug1routthe whole world-and, more especially, in thosenations calling themselves civilised. Tlle numerousremedies proposed, tried, and rejected, one after theother, do not prove that it is impossible to change, for thebetter, this unnatural state of things; such 111 successmerely sllclrs that the world at large-nations as well asg~veniments-are as yet ignorant of the origin sncl thenature of the great wrong vrliich has preyed upon manfor so many ages.Of all nations on tlie face of the earth, the people of theUnited ICingdom suffer the most severely, and are, therefore,the most in want of a remetly. Througl~out theco~llltry, distrust or clissatisfi~ction is ~inivers;il. Not oneclass of society is at rest; but a troubled and uncnsysensation-n liiud of fo~erunncr of evil or of cl~ange-per-

8 LABOUR'S WRONGS ANDvades alilie the bosoms of both the rich and the poorthetramplers and the trampled upon.Whatever may be the condition in which society nowis, it could not, from the very nature of its componentparts, and the circumstances which have for ages operatedUIIOII and influenced those parts, be different from what itis; and ho~vever alarming the present state of thingsmay appear to the unjust man and tlie extortioner, thereIS in the prospect nothing that can terrify the honest andthe industrious, wherever thcy may be.The productive classes arc bewildered amidst the multiplicityof remedies offered for their consideration. Theyhave as many remedies as wrongs-one contradictinganother, and most of them equally vulueless ; for thcy arealilcc based merely on passing events, instead of rcsting onthe broad foundation of some great principle. Thatwhich appears to be a remedy in one year, turns out, inthe next year, to be no remedy n,hatever; for the particularevil which s~lclt remedy applied to, is fonnd to haveshifted its locality, or clianged to some secondary evil.There is wanted, not a mere governmental or particularremedy, but a general remedy-one which will apply toall social wrongs and evils, great and small. The productiveclasses want a remedy for their incessant toil-theywant a remedy for their comp~~lsory idleness-they wanta renledy for their poverty-they ~vant a remedy for themisery, and ignorance, and vice, which such toil, suchidleness, and such poverty produce.Altl~ough it may appear dificult to obtain such a~eemedy, it will be seen, hereafter, that it is anything butimpossible. All sciences are more or less imperfect; butof all sciences, politics, or the science of human government,is the least understootl, altl~ough its great boolc hasbeen open to the illspection of man for four thousandyears. Man has made so little progress, because it is in thenatrlre of good or bad forms of government, and institutions,and states of society, to perpetuate themselves, andlceep successive generations in one continuo~ls mode ofthinking and of acting. Men, in general, go not to thefirst principles of things ; they take the world as they findit, antl look only to the state of society, the form ofgovernment, or the religion of their country, for the timebeing. But the nonage of intellect is piissing away, andthe minil of man will soon take a wider and a bolder flightthan any it has yet dared to contemplate. IIad the lantlnlarksof Europe alrvays been kept in ~igllt, Americawould still have been unknown to us; and, unless weboldly overleap the boundaries ~vllicl~ custom and precedentlias placed around us-boundaries which shut mallout from all but the lorrer and baser portions of intellectualand pl~ysical esistence-lve shall never behold norpossess that vast and beautiful region of human felicity,which, from the nature of things, cannot but hareexistence.A11 other sciences arc but as steps to the science ofgovelmment. They all add something to man's knowledgeof himself, his capabilities, ant1 his true position in referenceto estern:~l objects. What is it that the mi~~tl ofman, if properly tlirected, cn~lnot :icco~nplisli? Whatother finite being has attributes so mighty-and yet, whatotl~er tiling csisting is so I~elpless and so \\~retcl~etl ? Wecan roan1 through the universe with the astronomer, andloolc on solar systems, and behold planets and their sntellitesrolling in ponderous ma.iesty through the illimitableocean of space : we can, with the geologist, go back totimes when history mas not-when our earth, occupying;I different position in space, and peop!ed by widely differentmodifications of being to any now existing, knew notman, nor his crimes, nor his follies : we can progress, wit11the historian, from as far baclc :ts human records extend,up to the present time, and survey man under the innumerablesystems of religion and forms of governmentvl~ich have cursed him from his creation-malting theearth one vast slaughter-yard, and defiling it \\,itiiesecr:ible pollntion : we can, wit11 the chemist, dissolvethe chains wl~ich hin(1 together the elenlents of existi~lgforms of matter, and, from their ~vreck, protluce a ne\r.creation, and bestow on t11i11gs new properties and appeitrances: we can, with the anatomist and the metaphysicia~~,study the nature of our own corporeal antl mental being,and observe the inseparable depentlency of mind on matter,and the influence of estcrnal circumsL~ncesupou botl~ : \recan view every variety of human action, and can tliscoverthe various incentives to sucll action : \re can, :is it I\-ere,live over again the tin~cs that are past-ourselres committingthe crime, and judging the offender, and meti~~g out

the award. And thus, having the accumulated knowledgeand experience of all past ages to guide him, and theaccumulated errors and miseries of all past ages to warnhim-imbued with the spirit, as ~vell as acquainted withthe letter, of history-nrhat is man not prepared tonchie~*e ?The untiring mint1 of man is ever in search of what ithas never yet found-I~appiness; hut hecause this ultimateend of all human exertion has not hitherto 1)een attained,it does not follow th:~t man should give up his search, ant1die. His physical organization is as perfect as that ofany other being with nvhich he is acq~laintcd, while hismental powers far cxccctl thosc of any other known ihtclligcnce.It. \r.oultl, then, bc: :tn unsccrnly gap in theharmonious adaptatiotr antl continuous pcrfcction whichruns through all creation, if the powers ant1 nttribntesposscssetI by man cor~ltl (lo rtotl~ing ton;rrcls removing thatmiscry and clissatisf:ictiorl \r~hiclr has for so nlally agesbeen the portion of his race. To assert that, amiclst auniverse of joy, marl alone is born to sorrow and to trorthle,is to commit a foul libel upon the Almighty antl perfectdisposer of all thin~s !Were m:in a stat~onary being, like the beasts and birdsby which 11e is surro~~ntlerl-1r::tl Ite a fixed and unc11;lngcableinstinct, instead of a progressive and improvablereason-any change ill his social ir~stitutions arould beunnecessarf. Society nfould have been the sailne at thebeginning as it is at present; ant1 it rnoul(1 continue ir~one uniform state as long as man s11011ltl csist. But manis not thus stationary ; 11e is a reasoning, anti therefore u.progressing, 1)cing. The linonlctlge and experience ofone generation can be transmittetl to the next ; and, as ;Lman ;tt forty years of age must possess more I;i~o\r,letlgcthan he did at t\iFenty, so also n~ust. the world at largepossess a greater nccumulation of Iillo\vledge at the end offour thousand years from the creation of man, tlrau waspossessed at the end of four l~rtndred. ICno\rletlge ismerely an accun~ulation of facts; and ~risdom is the art ofapplying such koowledge to its true purpose-the promotionof human happiness. Altl~ough nien may llavcmuch kno~rletlge, and no wistlom, there can only be littlewistlom where tllere is hut little Itnowledge. The presentgeneration have the :iccumulated Itnowledge and experienceof four tllousand years to \~ork upon ; and tllerefore the)'have it in their power to act wiser, ill respect to thecstablisllment of ant1 political i~lstitutiolls, tllan allygeneration that has precedetl them.Such being tile nature of Inan, and such his pomers, thecol~sideratioll of a sociitl cllangc need excite no more surpriseor apprehension than a simple political movement.If a cl~angc be :t gipntic orle, so, liLc\risc, are theevils mighty \rlrich rcqulre to I)e removed. Throughouttlle \vl~ole l~uiverse, from the most str~pertdous planet tothe individual atom, C ~ ~ R I I ;tre ~ ~ S 1)crpetnsl-there isilotl~ing ;it rest-r~otlri~lg st:ltionary; to :tftir~n, tl~creforc,tl~at governn~c~~tnl instrtr~tio~~s rccl~~irc no rcfornlntiont11:ttsocial apste~ns nccd I I ~ ;tltcrntio~~--is jr~kt ;IS abs!~rtli~s to s;ty tl~;~t tl~c innll sl1:111 wear the s\r,;ltltlli~~g rlotl~c.;\rl~icl~ befitted Iris infancy ; ant1 be pleiisetl, in ~naturit!.,wit11 tlre rattle \r.l~icl~ cIr;~rmctl his cl~iltll~uod.Stiltcs of society ;tnd forms of govcrnt~~c~~t 1:avc aln.a!.sbeen Sorcctl up011 mcn by the colnmon marc11 of events ;and that state of society or form of govcr~lment \r.llicl~existetl at one l~criotl of :t n;itioo's I~istory, :tnd 11 as s~~flicientfor ;ill its n.ants, \rill never be tolerntetl at n Interpried. Who, at the present day, \r.ould wish to returnto ;i state of society, n.ith its accon~l>;lnyi~~g nianncrs, andform of gnverument, and religio~~s institutions, such asesisted in Great I3rit;~in in the timc of the llruitls, or theRomans, or the Sasr~ns, or the Normans ? How Inan:;Protestants n-otlltl lrisli to revive the (laps nllen Catho!icismnras in its glory :tnd its po\trer, and tl~e br;intl of persecution(Irietl up the blootl of the martyrs? All thesecl~nngcs were but manifestations of the common 1,rogres.sof things ; and they nil I~apl)cr~ed nntur:tlly ant1 t~nar.oitlably,i~~tle~~cndent of thc control of govcr~~lncnts orindividuals. C;ttholicism succeedctl P,~ga~~is~n, then Protestantismc:ume irftcr Catholicism, and both are nonr beingsuperseded by Dissent ; and all the evils ehich thesechanges brought 11j)on the people of other days, as ~rcll asall tl~e n~iseries tl~at have bef~~llen nations in our olrntimes, are solely attributable to the insane antl blasl111cn1ou.iendeavotirs of 11uman rulers to set up their authority;lgininst the fitt of the Almipl~ty, nntl tell Innn 11c shallgo no further. And 11a:c all the treasures \\ ;lstcd, ai~iithc blood spilled-all tl~c pcrsecutio~js, and punishn~cnts

and revolting crimes nrhicl~ hare talien place to keep manand his institutions stationary, effected the [or~ ~ l l they i c ~ were intended? Tur11 to liistory for anans!vcr-look hack from our days to the days of our forefathers,and ask if ally of the many powerful endeavours to])revent changes ever yet snccecrled.At no period since the creation of tlie world lras manbeen so well prepared, as IIC is at present, to effect achange in the very constitution of society; antl no othernation possesses so many facilities for comlnc~tcing sllch achange, antl carrying it fortvartl succcssfi~lly, as do thepeoplc of the Urlitetl ICingdom. A variety of circnmstances,~rrl~icll 11;lvc not !)at1 so much influence on othercountries, have tended to induce this ripeness in ourselves.We suffer greater burtl~cns t11;un arty othcr people on earth-blirthens wllich our unceasing industry only just enablesus to ])car 111) against, and live. We hare a greateramount of fixed capital, or accumulatctl labour, 111 thefor111 of roads, milnrays, canals, manuhctories, and macllirieryof every description, than is possessed by anyother nation. We are collected tog~tl~cr in large masses, andhave excellent means of commuo~cation. As a people, urehave as much po!itical Iino\rlctlgc. a11c1 as rnucl~ incipicr~tunion among ourselves, as any otllcr nation. The entiremass of the producers, with n great al or ti on of the clistril~utorsof we;tlth, are groaning under the accu~nulatedwrongs of centuries of misgovernment and mismanagement.Tllcy have tried allnost every conccivablc means to obtainrelief i~nd ~~cdress, I)ut they have cvci. been bctr:lyetl, anddisa1)poiuteci, and cheated wit11 a shadow. 3ler1 ]lave atlengtll, honlerer, begi~n to look from the tyrant to thetyrallny-from the effect to the cause. Thus our presentposition :LII~II~S \vrIl for a social change, and for tlle advancementof man's highest ilestiny.It is otlly 1r11en lncn suffer great wrongs, that they loolcabout for great remedies. So long as they are satisfiedwith their nrc~rldly condition, ml~ether it be good or bad,they will not think of changes : they will not give up Rcertain moderate good for an i~ncertain great benefit.While the people of the United I

LABOUR'S REMEDY. 17they complain of tyranny, and dare to resist, they areslaughtered like wilt1 beasts ! The very marrow of theirbones, and the life-blood of their children, is tlrunk upwith excessive toil!Hocv comes it to pass, that those who are t11e very lifeand soul of this great nation, are thus trampler1 upon, anddespised, and tlcfietl? Tlrey ]lave heads to think, andhearts to feel, and hands to execute-they form, conjointly,amightv mass-their capability of doing either good or evilis bounded only by their will. Vl'ith such gigar~tic powers,how is it that they are thus weak? Tlle reasons are tlrese:they are weak because they are disr~uited-they are dis-~initcd because there is a diversity of opinion as to tvlratis the enemy wl~icl~ tlecvoeirs tlrc~~~-tlley itre ignorantof a remedy for their errrongs because they have not themselvessought for one. 'l'hcy have ever looked for reliefwhere it coi~ld not possibly be found. They have sougl~tfor council and assistance frotn classes and castes who hada direct though mistalten it~ter+cst iu misleatling, (dividing,and oppressing them. They have idly cliimetl in with theopinion of this or that non-prodr~cer, or tllc opposite opinionof this or that member of parliament, or the sgaindiff'ering opinion promulgated in this or that nerrsparjer;and they have thus Leen led to l~opc for benefit from nreasureswhich, as they have no connection wit11 the cause oftheir \rrrongs, are necessarily po~r~erless and n~orthless.TIley must be no longer thus led like children ; but procectlat onx, wit11 cool heads and deterlninetl hearts, toobtain that political and social salvation urhich can betheirs only tlrrough their own esertions.What, then, is tlre secret enemy urlriclr cle~ours US?It star~tls before us as a mighty tree, tvhose wide-spread roots,tlccp seated in the soil of Laborrr, drarv up the tlecv of lifeand Iiealt.11, and Icave the parent and the creator ponrerlessand irnpoverislretl. We woultl remove this enemy; andwhat are the means recommended and adopted for thellurpose ? Are we endeavo~~ring to destroy its barrenising~nflnence for ever, by tearing it up ? No; some adviserscry ~tit-(~Cut off this root1'-others, Cut off that";sowe tell us to tear away a branch wltich is high up, andothers, again, point to another branch lorrrer down. Theproductive class thus become lost amidst the conflictingopinions they daily meet ~r~ith, and are ever seeking, neverfinding. The narrow vievis and baneful prejudices dlich;r contractect system of education has co~pellell us toadol~t, ]lave almost rcndcreil us incapable of seeing Or cornprehendingLabour's enemy as a mliole, although each ofus feels the blighting influence or sees the deformity ofsome particular part; for our enemy, like the tripleof the Hindoo, shews us a different face from every side onwhich we view it. The only way to arrive at truth is togo at once to First Principles. Instead, then, of confiningour inqlfiries to the benefits and the evils resnlting fromparticular forms of government, 3nd regarding nlonarcl~iesand aristocracies alone as the Great Enemy, anti the primeoriginators of wrong,-let us take a wider range, and goat once to the source from whence governments tltcmselreshave arisen; and we shall soon discover that a11 of them arebut as boiigl~s of the great tree of human evil-that theyare only as the cIa\vs with mlticl~ the Great Enelny seizesupon Laborlr's s~ibstance-and that, although \re may distinguislttlrcln by the names of monarchies and republics,yet the attributes of each are the same, the ends of eachare the same, tlre wrongs inflicted upon the working classesby each arc the same. By tllus going to the origin of thething, me shall find that cvery form of govern~nent, ant1every social and governmental wrong, owes its rise to theexisting social system-to ilte institution of properfay as itat present exists-and that, therefore, if we \vould endOur nrrongs and our miseries at once and for ever, THEPRESENT ARRANGEMENTS OF SOCIETY NUST BE TOTALLYSUBVERTED, and supplanted by those more in accorclancewith the principles of justice and the rationality of man." Equal rights and equal laws," has long been the warcryof the lrorlting classes of Great Britain; and theyhave all Iioped and cspecteil to obtain this one thing needfulby mere govert~n~ental cltanges. What is meant byEq11al Rights and Equal Lams ? The words themselves1)l;iinly express their own meaning; ancl yet there isscarcely a sentence to be found which has been interpretedSO many different mays, and made to signify such a varietyof meanings. Some men, when they speak of equal rights,mean thereby simply that there sl~ould be universal suffrage,vote by ballot, and free acllnission to Parliament;while otl~ers, again, advancing rather nearer to first principles,call for the complete subversion of the monarchy,

and the establishment of a republic. By some of theseprofessed advocates of justice, the political institutions ofthe United States arc lleld up to us as models of perfection;and me are told that it is only under such a form ofgovernment that true liberty and equality of rights can beenjoyed. But an csamination of tlic subject will convinceus, that if the worlting classes of the United Kingdomshould obtain any or all of the political changes just mentioned,they mould remain in almost tile same condition ofpoverty and ignorance and misery as tltcy are at present.Indeed, all history proves, by tl~c unfailing test of expcriencc,that such would be tile c;ise. Let us turn to therecords of former ages-let us looli at either ancient ormotlcrn rcpul)lics-at all nations, in all times-anrl i~lq~iircif, under any of their varied forms of government andsystems of religion, equal rights and cciu;~l 1:itr.s were everenjoyerl ! They never were, for such equality is utterlyincompatible with inequality of possessions :mtl the gradationof classes-and this state of society ltas al~rrnys prcvailed.Equality and inequality cannot, from their nature,be reconciled.The possession of political power by a people, althoughin accordance with the principle of that equality whichall good men wish to see establishetl and enjoyed,does not of itself constitute the equality of rights; foralthough no equality of rights can be enjoyed by a nationwithout the accompaniment of universal suffrage, yetuniversal suffrage is ncitlrer necessarily accoln1)aniecI with,nor productive of, equal rights. Equal politicill power andequal rights are by no means synonymous terms. Thereis between them all the ditl'erence that can exist betweenzi thing and the ~irord 1)y whicl~ it is reprcsentetl.In considering governmental institutions, we must alwaysjudge of their utility by the effccts wf1ic11 arc seenin connectioll with them, as \r-e judge of their justness bythe principles on which they are established. If the institutionsfounded on the acl

from the common course of events, that the U~lited Statcsrepublic will merge into n monarchy or a11 olignrcl~y beforethe end of the present century, unlcss the lnovenlent bestopped by 8 change in the ccnstitution of society. Suchhas invariably been the ultimate fate of :ill republics, inaucient and lnotlern times; and suct~ ever must be theirfate ~\rhiJc one man is rich and another is poor-wl~ile onelnan ~orlis and another docs nothing.Tyranny is the same thing tltrougl~outhc tvlrole world;and it all arises from the same source-the division ofsociety into classes and castes. This ;11l-perv:tding cursebligl~ts alilie the 11ap1)iness of the civiliscd antl the savagcman; for in all countries there arc what arc c:~llcil superiorsant1 inferiors-the first crcatctl to ortlcr, antl the last toobey. At one time this principle of inequality of rigl~tsrcarsits brazen front in the form of govcri~mcnt;~l oppression by" right divi'nc," and taltes, openly, the lives and the fortunesof the govcrnccl: at another time it exists covertly,as it now does in the United States of America, al~d iriGreat I3ritain, and France, wl~ere it enables one or twoclasses of the community to suck into their own substance,unobserveii, uncc;tsingly,and unmercifully,the wealth ~vl~ichhas been created by the toils and privations of the workingclass.This is the great wrong for n~hich a remedy is wantecl;and it will shortly be seen that universal suffrage, or eventhe overthrow of the monarchy and the establisl~ment ofa republicJ will not be this remedy. There is a stubbornnessin factsu.hic11 tlreorymill invain strive to overcome; andhowever much may be admired the justice and excellenceof the principles of equality on ~vhich the great republicof the west is founded, yet thc experience of every clayincontestihly proves, that these principles are totally unheededby the Americans. There arc no greater tyrantsin existence than the moneyed rcpublici~ns of the UnitedStates. Liberty, and equality of rights, are \vords \vhiclithey do not yet know the meaning of; for, apart from thetyranny which the present constitution of society enablesone white man to csercise over anothcr, these republicans-in toti~l tlisregard of their Declaration of Indcpentlcncc,rvhicll says t11:lt ('men arc borti, ant1 ol~ght :il~vays to conti-~~uc, .free ant1 equal in respect of their rights"-theserepublicans, disi*egnrding even the appearance of conform,ing to tile spirit of their constitution, 110~ Ilol(1 in ulrdisguise(land abject slnvcry upwards of t1~0 lllillions of theircolouretl fellow-men, who are bought and sold, or flog&slai~l, like cattle. Tllis glaring contradiction bet!reenprinciple and practice is but a natural result of irlcqunlityof \realth ; and such tyranny ancl slavery mill invariablybc found to exist, either openly or disguiscdly-11pon blackmen or lipoll n.llite men-in every nation, whatever itsform of government may be, wlicre inequality of possessionsand the division of society illto employers and employedhas existence.If the free it~stitlitiorls of the An~cric;~ns were acted upto, no sl;ivcry, wl~cther of blacl; men or of white, coulclexist in that ro~tntry. But the spirit of equ;rlity, on~vl~icll tl~cse institutions ilre foundctl, is unfclt :u~d 1111-Itno~vn 1)y the l~coplc,--and wl~y is it so? Because thereare two classcs-a class to lahour, and a class to coutroilabour-the first poor, and thc last rich. The outrageupon priuci1)le-the glaring injr:stice-therc observable, isproduced by the relative situsti011 of the parties; and thisdifference of sitnation origini~tes from, and is maintainecl by,the present arrangemetlts of society,--nliicl~, independentof all ineclu;ility of mental or physical powers in men, inevitablyproiluce inequality of conditioi~, antl divide societ!.into those tr.110 laborrr antl those who set labour in motion,and thus give tlrc last domimion over the first. The sameiniquitous systenl prevails not only in the United Kingdom,but in France, and the European republics, and tltrougl~outthe trhole trorltl; and that tyranny it11r1 slavcrp sllould existso palpably under the free institutions of the UnitedStates, only tends to enforce still stror~ger upon 11s thisindisputable and ovcro~helming truth,-that neither thesefree institutions, nor any other political institutions havingfor tl~eir ol)ject the besto~r~ment of equal rights upon apeople, can be acted up to, or their advantages be universallyenjoyed, under our present social arrangements. Slaveryin nature, if not in name, has ever been, is now, and evermill be, the portion of the working classes, in every countrywhere inequality of property exists in connection wit11t11c gradation of classes.Lct the people ofthe Unitcd I

LABOUR'S REMEDY. 23gling for, inrespect to the attainment of wl~atare calledtheirpolitical rights, they will only grasp a sllndom-they millbut obtain the lelter, not enjoy the spirit, of that greatlaw of equality of rights whicl~ has been institllted by theCreator. Tl~ey have before them, as an example of fi~ilure,one of the most enlightened and powerful reprlblics ofancient or moiiern times-a nation ~vhosc form of governmentis all that politicians wish for, antl far more tl~an theoppressed people of Britain hope to obtain-and yet thisgreat nation, in coltl-blootled cruelty, and disregard ofhuman rights, sinlcs bclo~v Englantl herself, king-ridtielland priest-ridden :IS she 11:ts bccn for centuries!As, then, sufficient proof is nffortled 115, by times pastantl times present, that no form of government can insureto a people the cnjopmcnt of equal rigl~ts-that no formof government, ~vllether repllblican or monarchical, canprote~t the l)roductive classes from the exactions anti thetyranny of tl~c useless classes, nor gr~ar:ultee to the formerthe enjoyment of tl~e fruits of their industry-what planmust be adopted to overthrow and destroy the secretenemy which devours us ?It requires no arguments to prove that man wasintendeii, by his Creator, to live in a state of society, orcommunion with Elis Itintl ; and if society, in its presentstate, inflicts upon any of its menibers as m;111y wrongs asit confers benefits, it cannot from hence be inferrcd thatthe principle of coln~nunion is necessarily attended I)y 1these wrongs and sufferings : it is far more rational, antlmore in accordance with the perfect adaptation of otl~crmeans to other ends, to conclude that ve do not act properlyupon this principle of communion ; for man is muclimore liltely to err in following, than Nature in directing.gquality of rights is the very soul of society; butequality of rights cannot exist unallied with equality ofduties. This is the sum and substance of equality. Thus,if three men be placed upon a desart island, and they eachgive an equal portion of labour for the common good,and receive an equal reward, the con~munion is equal!ybeneficial to all the three. But if one of the party, byforce or fraud, obtain double sllowance of procioce for only~vorl;, the union cannot longer be eqtlal{y beneficialto all tlte three. If, again, the same man compel I~is fellowsto give him double allowance of produce for no lnbozrrIvhntever, every shnrlow of equality and justice vanislles atonce ; and no Inw nor regulation can restore equilibriumof right, unless tt cornpel tliis receiver ofunearne(l sllarc to give liis ];hour for SUC~share ; for thevery essence of the inequality and the \vrong consists intile illeqnality of the duties rendered and tlle rewardsreceived by t11e scveral partics. There is no esponent ofequal rigllts but that which also stands for equal duties ;and if duties be unequal, or equal duties be unequallyrewarrled, tlic very of justice is at once irlv,zded,and of rights destroyed.In all ci~ilised countries, as they arc called, society isthus dividecl into id1e1.s nnd protl~~rcrs-into those \vl~o&hin tlouble nllo\r~al~ce for tloing notl~itig, ;inti tllose whoonly half-allo\vnnce for cloing double \rorli; and SOlong as tliis difYerencc of position ilnc\ inerlli;~lity of conditionis suffcr~d to exist, ineqrinlit~ of rights and lawsand enjoyments will :tlso exist. It lnnttcrs not howsociety cnmc to be in its present state. It is sufficientthat it is found thus, ant1 t11at it may be altered andamended. Wl~y should: some nien receive double allowancefor doing only single nrork. or quadruple allolvancefor rendering no service ~rhatever ? All the excessivetoil, and poverty, and misery of the worlting classes of allcountries arise solely from this most unjnst and iniquitousmanner of apportioning the 1;tborir and the reward ; andnever, until \ve alter the social arrangements which produceand perpetuate this injustice, can !re obtain relief.What arguments are needed to prove to common sense,that, if ten inen hxve to maintain twenty, the ten mustmorlc hnrdcr or longer than if tlrcy liad only themselves tolreep? What lcinti of eqrlalily qf rights can there possiblybe bet\vecn the keepers ant1 the kept? There isneither equality of service rendered nor received ; for tlleone party gives all, and tl~e other party takes all-andherein lies the essence and spirit of all inequality.It does not follow, merely because society is nowdivided into productive and unprocli~ctive classes, that thedivision is either natural or inevitable, as the politicaleconomists have asserted. A very cursory examinatiori ofthe causes whicl~ render men rich and poor, and maintainthe illequality of condition after it llas been created, willshew us that this inecl~ality, $9 far from being depcnder~t

on inequality of bodily and ~nental powers in individuals,exists in defiance of any such inequality of powers, and isin no way connected with these powers-that it arisesfroni causes mhicli no individual can properly comnla~ld orcontrol, whatever may be the superiority or inferiority ofhis ~neiltal and corporeal faculties.It may be consistent with the ignorance ant1 the falsenotions of things wliich the present social system fosters,to contend for the excellence ant1 the propriety of thissystem, antl to decry all improvement antl all cllange; butthose from whom the thiclc veil of the present has beer1lifted up-who can survey the bright and the gloriousprospect contained witl~in the fi~turc-such favoured ones,whercver they may be, will not regart1 the gross injr~oticeand ilepravity which now cxist in thc world, as thingsintended fur perpetuity by an immaculate ant1 perfectCreator.If the advocates of the present system, with its blaclicatalogrlc of crinlcs and vices-if tlie wealthy and tlic selfstyledhigh and mighty of the earth-can conceive of noother system, and do not know more of the nature of manthan that he may be enslavet1 and degratled, they lrnow butthe half, and the worst Ilalf, of his ca1)abilitics. Awful, tosuch, will be the blast of that coming tempest, which thestrongest must bend to, ant1 the highest fill1 down before !CHAPTER 11.FIRST PRINCIPLES RELATING TO SOCIETY AXDQOVERNBIENT.AN acquaintmce with the first principles of things istlie end of all knomledgc; and the proper applicatian ofthese principles is the end of all rvisdom. Of all principles,lione are of so much importance to man as those whichinflrlcnce and regulate societv ; and nonc are so littleinquired into, or so little understood. The false views ofhimself, his position, and his relation to thine, which thepresent system of society and the contracted educationconnected with it, compel man to entertain, render italmost impossible for him either to become acquainted withhis real nature, or to form any conception of the Iiiglidestiny which may be his even upon the globe he nowinllabits.Lik~ all other bodies, man is governed by certain principles,or influences, whic11 he obeys necessarily ; and theseinfluences take their rise from the circumstances in whichthe individual is placed. The various institutions by whichman is surrounded, trace ollt the orbit in wl~ich histl~oughts, and feelings, and actions are to move; andon he goes, for centuries, tlie same old beaten round ofcrime and folly. Social systems, like solar systems, containwithin themselves but few disturbing forces; nnci it isthe nature of the same institutional circumstances, whethergood or bad, to give a general uniformity of character, inrespect to actions and opinions, to all who are exposed totheir influence. The institutions act upon the man, andthe man, in turn, re-acts upon the institutions. Thus thearistocracy of to-clay thinks and acts almost the same asaristocracies have always thought and ~cted ; and themorlting clasws of the present time cringe to their op

pressors, and Iciss the hand that smites them, the sametheir order did three thousand years since.The world at large have not chosen the present socialsystem, and the particular mode of tlii~~liing and actingconnected with it, because it was good, nor have theyrejected another hecauso it was bad ; but men llare blindlytaken both goor1 and bad, as they happened to tllrn up,without lcnorr7ing the one from tlle other. We of the presentday, in like manner, tnlce principles and institutions,and act upon them, simply because they were so taken andacted upon by those who have gone before us. Altllougha gradual movement is evcr going forward, yet society, asa whole, has Iiitl~crto 11ad no more inl~crent power withinitself to changc at once tI~c direction of its actions ant1opinions, ~!IIII have tile plat~ets of our sol;v systcm a powerto change their courses. JVl~cnevcr a new direction isgiven to the opinions and pursuits of men, t11c motiorl isoccasioned by tlie accurnulatior~ of disturbing forces, or bvthe unlr~elcomc pou~lcc of some conletary spirit on whomno continuity of every-day circumstance has acted,-butwhose course, directctl by peculiarity of position and singolarityof circun~stance, lies directly across or against thatof the whole of which he forms a part. And when thecurrent of human events is thus broken in upon, it takesnecessarily, mhetller good or bad, the new direction whichis given ; and this course is maintained until again changedby new influences and new disturbances.There always have been, in all countries ant1 under allforms of government, indivitluals in mental advance of,and apparently in opposition to, the main body of a people.Tliey are the pioneers to the march of niind-the tilast togive battle to prejudice, and tlle first to fall before it-and,altllougli they make the road to knowledge, to freeilom,and to happiness, practicable and easy, they do so only bypaving it wit11 their own bones. The vocation of theselnraders of the dark empire of ignorance and tyrannyrenders them the especial dread of despots, and all otherupholtlers of ~isurped pnwer and unjustly-acquired wealth ;and they are therefore alrvays persecuted wit11 a horribleinalignancy which no other being but Inan can feel andexercise.When we talie into consideration the various circu~nsta~~cesnll~icl~ liave rctarclecl 11umai1 atlvancclr~e~~t, we can-'not be rurp&ed that the disentl~ralment of man from manhas not yet been acliieveh Under despotism~and theof governments are little else t1i;in despotismstileknowledge of truth and liberty progresses slosly ; fortile gibbet and the dungeon are of too elsy access to beneglected by the Forernors, especially where custom hasthe immolnt~on of a victim a matter of b ~ little tmoment. Should the ruling few think fit to give a reasonfor their bloody acts, they fabricate some black and odiouslie, calculated to misled the multitude, and \vorli upontlleir r~ld their prejll~lices ; and tlle unllappy i~nd' enSlavell are made to gloat upon the suf~erix~gs anddecry tile principles of him \rho ~voald linve made then1enligllteI~ed and 11?l,py : tliey arc t;a~gl~t to reg~rd 11im asone of tile dea(l11est enemies OF the llnmall race, and,believing him to be such, tlley endt at his diS~01rfitllr~and in his clo~vnfall. The gorerllors cry "Cr~~cifgllim !" and the deluded gorernecl loudly echo " Crucifyi n Should the fearless cliampion of trutl~ escape fora time with life, it makes but little difference in favour ofhis cause. Everything is against him. The great bodyof those who are oppressed, and who stand most in need ofdeliverance, are perhaps unable to read ; and the oralcomnlunication of political .knowledge, even in countriesprofessing to enjoy tlie liberty of tilought and speech, isalmost as slow and unsafe a method as that adopted bymeans of boolcs. Wherever the body is enslaved, the mindis still more tyrannized over ; for the anathema of thepriest is ever at the call of the despot ; and the hereafterof the first is always more dreaded, by an ignorant people,than the present tyranny of the 1;st. The minds alike ofthe oppresse(1 and the oppressor are warped and confinedfrom infancy to maahood; and thus, benighted andenslaved, does generatio11 follorv generation ; and thosesimple trntlis and principles wliicl~, under certain circumstances,might have become universally known and actedupon dnring tlie passing of one generation, are, underother circumstances, almost unknown and unregarded atthe end of centuries.It is time that man went to first ~rinciples-it is timethat he broke through those conventioual cobtvebs which,spun by his own ignorance, atrd fastened ~lpoll him by hisown hands, have for ages bound his body and his soul

as firmly as if they had been fetters of adamant, and hadbeen imposed upon him I)y the unalterable decree of aCreator. Past and present events afford ample den~ortstrationthat there is sonietliing inherently wrong in oursocial arrangements-something which inevitably tends togenerate misery and crime, and to exalt n~orthlessness atthe expense of merit. We are acquainted with justiceonly by name. Our whole social fabric is one vast Babelof interests, in wlrich true charity, and morality, anti brotherlylove, have no existence. The hand of every man ismore or less raised against every otl~er man-the interestof every class is opl)osed to the interest of every otherclass-and all otlter interests arc in opposition and hostilityto the interest of the working man. Tl~is unnatural stateof things was originally irltluccd, ant1 is now n~ili~~tained,by man's ignorance"of, or inattention to, First Pri~rciples ;and these principles, as promulgated in tlle great boolc ofNature, may be thus interpretecl :-1. All men are alike, in regard to their substance, theircreation, and their preservation ; therefore the nature ofall is the same, and the absolute wants of all are t11esBme.2. The materials requisite for the preservation of lifefood,clothing, and shelter-exist evcryn~ltere around us,but tl~ey are naturally valueless to nian, and cannot bcobtained by him, except through the nledium of labour ;therefore, as the life of no fluman being can be maintainedwithout a due provision of food, clothing, and shelter, andas these cannot be procured without labour, it follows thatevery human being ought to labour.3. As the nature and wants of all men are alike, tlterights of all must be equal ; anil as human existence isdependent on the same contingencies, it follows, that thegreat field for all exertion, and the rav material of allwealth-the earth-is the conlmon property of all itsinhabitants.These silnple principles contain within tl~emaelves theessence of that fundamental equality of rights wlrich menhave for so many ages been endeavouring to .establish;and all social and governmental institutions must be inaccordance with their dictates, if man would escape fromall or anv of the evils which 11e now suffers. Such principlesoffe; the only foundation on which human happinesscan be permanently establislred ; and they naturally SU~-*st a lnotle of action, in respect to social institutions,wliicl~ will enable tnan to enjoy a11 the pleasures and escapefrom all the ills which his nature can be cognisant of. Itis not rational to suppose that the preser~t inequalities insociety must always exist, merely because they esist forthe time being; nor 's it in accordance with experience toinfer that, because a I mode of action is invariable undercertain influences and circumstances, it will coiltinue unalterableunder all infjuences x11c1 circumstances. Man isman at the pole as well as :it tlic equator, but the diet andthe clothing of the one will never be adoittetl by the other;nor will the selfish principle exert itself so vilely and soevilly, in a state of society ~r~licre the rights and the dntiesof all are equal, as it does under the present social system,w1:ere there is no equality either in respect to rightsor to duties, to services or to re\r7ards.That all men are precisely equal in their mental andbodily powers, or that they all require the same quantityof sustenance, no one will attempt to assert; for absoluteequality prevails not between any two created beings. Butthe inequality of powers ivhicll at present esists amongstmen, has been induced, in a great degree, by the favourableor unfavourable circumstar~ccs in ~vllich inrl~vidllalshave been I)laced, in respect to position in society andrneans of development ; and, in most cases, if the circumstancesand influences l:ad been reversed, the ineqrlalitywould also liave been reversed.The proud and pampered aristocrat, who has possessedevery advantage wllicli circun~stances could afford for thedevelop~nent of his tiuy brains, possesses, perhaps, knowledgeand acquire~nents n.ltich fall not to the son oflabour; but, forgetful of horv much circumstances of positionhave (lone for him-forgetfill that it was the toil andprivation of the \vorIiing man ~rhicli gave him leisure andmeans-he tells us, sneeringly and insultingly, that he isa wiser and a higher being than the man whose honesthands procure his bread. But this assumption of superiorityhas allnost had its day, and will soon be neitherheeded nor conceder1 ; and the unnatural barriers ~vliicfiignorance and fraud have reared to separate nren intoclasses and castes, lilce cattle in 3 public market, willbe broken througl~ and trodden under foot.

As nature has made t11e preservation of life dependenton the fulfilment of the same conditions, and has giverl toevery humxn being the powers adequate to l1lnintainexistence, strict equity requires not only tllat these powersshould be tl111y exercised, but likewise that the exertionshould br: rewarded with success; and that it is notSO renrarded, is not the fault of nature, but of man. Naturenever commits errors-never inflicts injustice; andwhen she made man the slave of circun~stances, and lefthim at the mercy of events, she gave him faculties adequateto control the one and direct the other. Thathe might do this more effectually, and have dominion overmost things relating to his existence, man has been taughtto institt~te society; wl~icl~, if it be wisely regnlated, \\,illenable him to accomplisll, by :L proper union and directionof forces, that whicli no isolatetl exertion of human powercould ever achieve. This is the intention and end ofsociety; iintl the first step to the attainment of the wishedforpower is the establisllnlent of institutions which willdestroy or neutralise the trifling inequalities that naturehas created, and at the same time remove all the uncertaintycnnnectecl .rrith the fiitnrc welfare of man, andinsure hiin, until death, an abundance of all those thingswhich make life desirable. Society, thus constituted andregulated, will draw the whole human family into onecommon bond of fello~vsl~ip and union ; for its very principles,by showing to a11 men their dependence on all,prove to theln that man 11as no pre-eminence above hisfello\v-man; as the wisest and the strongest are but asbrolcen reeds when placed beyond the pale of society, andshut out from the communion ant1 co-operation of their kind.Thus, from a consideration of the nature of man andthe object of society, a principle may be deduced, ~vllich,altllough nolo nnactcd upon, and its justice unacltno\vledged,\vill nltimately unite the two jagged and farseparateder~ds of the social chain-forming it into a circle,and putting the last finish upon man and his institutions,namely :-4. As self-preservation is the end of all labour, and as ageneral natural equality of powers and wants prevailsamongst men, it should follow, that all those who performequality of lalotlr ought likewise to receive equality ofreward.However unpalatable may be these principles, they arenot only in strict accordance nrith justice, but they are theon]ycapable of clestroying tlic manifold illsand miseries which a departure from them, in the presentconstitution of society, necessarily engenders.Some of those who feed upon the produce of the workman'sindustry, and y+ld him no service in return, mayboldly assert that equklity of condition can never haveexistence; they may cntieavour to prove that society islike a human body-that there must be a hed, a belly,and members-some to govern and some to obey, some toproduce that others may consume. nut this simile willnot support the cause it is brought to subserve; forall men are of one nature-they are similar powers, orquantities, or qualities-and, as such, tllere can be nodiversity of attributes amongst them. We must likenmen to each other, and bellies to each other, and limbs toeach other: we cannot compare an arm to a belly ora head, for they are not similar powers, and tl~e one can byno possibility perform the functions of the other, placethem in whatever circumstances me map. Bnt what oneman can (lo, another man may do,-whether it be to l-uleas king or obey as subject-they are similar powers-andtherefore there never can be a natural or a just division ofsociety into belly and members-into mere consumers andproducers. All men are of one substance and one nature,they all have the like attributes, and tl~ey are all, therefore,equal in respect of their rights.When we have arrived at the first principles of anything, me can almost see, as it were, the end of our journey,and have only to march forward upon ;I straight andopen road. We no longer ~vantler about in a labyrinth ofdoubt and conjecture, perpetually suffering wrongs anddevising and rejecting I-emeciies ; but we Itnow exactlywhere we are, and the course which me ought to pursue.Thus we lcnow that life is dependent upon food, and thatfod is dependent upon labour. We see at once, that,from the very nature of things, these dependencies areabsoIute; and that, therefore, if labo~~r h evaded by anyhuman being, it can be thus evaded by individualsonly on the condition of increased labozlr by the moss.It requires no arguments, when wc view for one momentthe poor toiler awl the rich idler, to prove that the exemp-

tion from labour which the latter enjoys, is attributable tothe inequalit of possessions which exists between the twoparties; ant I it is equally apparent, that inequality ofpossessions must have been or~ginally induced, as it is nowpnrtly maintained, by the exclusive ossession, by certaininclividuals and classes, of that eart P r which rightly andequally belo~gs alilie to every created being. Thus theconviction is naturally and imperatively forced upon us,that individual possession of the soil has been one cause ofinequality of wealth-that inequality of wealth necessarilygives rise to inequality of labour-and that inequality ofwealth, and labour, aud enjoyments, constitute thc wrongas a whole. This, as well as the deprivation of politicalpower connected with it, is the state of things to beremedied ; and if the wrong is to be removed, it must bcdone by removing the inequality of condition whichcreates and perpetuates it. Equality of riglits cannever exist in connection with inequality of labour andinequality of wealth. The mere fact that men have heretoforealways been governed by unequal laws-that theselaws hare been based on assumed inequality of rightsandthat the idea of inequality of rights has been derivedfrom inequality of possessions-ought to convince us of theunimprovable nature of a social system allowing of thedistinctions iu society which now exist; for so long as mehear of rich and poor-of superior and inferior-of masterand man-there can be no equality of riglits, no justice,no cessation of discontent and crime.From the nature and position of man, and the principleswhich have relation to his existence, it cannot bedeuied that the llatural rights of all human beings areequal. These rights, therefore, can never be given up ortaken away, for they are attributes-conditions of existence-an(\-they are limited, in every man, only by theequal rights of every otfler man. Thus, it nlay be saidtl~at every mar? has a riglit to do what he likes-providedthe so doing intedkres not with the EQUAL rights of hisfello=-man.This definition, broad as it may appear, is inreality extremely circumscribed, and will allow neither oflicentiousness nor tyranny. It is an indisputable right ofman to live upon that earth on which he has been placedby his Creator; and this right to existence must from itsnature be accompanied, in every man, by the right afappropriating to himself the various necessaries of life whichhe can, by his labour, colnpeI the earth to yield him. Theexercise of these rights, in a well-regnlateti society, canneither cause collision nor inflict injury; for tlie actingupon them by one man does not necessarily interfere withthe same action on the part of every other man. Humanrights mwt all, and + all times, be tested by this principleof interference; atrd whenever ally man, or body ofmen, or government, commits an action or m:tkes a claimwhich interferes with the equitl rights of others, a wrongis cornniitted upon all who are thus interfered with.Men preceded us, anti others will continue to come afterus. Generations arrive within the confines of existencebefore their predecessors have departed; awl, as the livesof all are held by the same tenure, and are dependent upontllc same contingencies, the absolute riglits of all to lifeand sustenance must llecessarily be equal. But, froni thel)eculiar position in which we are placed, I)y the rising andthe passing generations being ;ilways ~ilisetl up together, itis impossible to maintain this natural equality of right tosubsistence, unless the earth be COM~ION PROPERTY, andthe earth cannot be common property, nor can its blessingsbe either universally or equally enjoyed, under anysystem which admits individual appropriatiorl of the soil.It is labour alone ~vhicli bestows value ; for labour, as ithxs been truly said, is the purchase money which is paidfor everything we eat, or drink, or wear. Every man hasan uniloubteci right to all that his houest labour can procurehim. When he thus appropriates the fruits of hislabour, he cotn~nits no injustice upon any other 11umal1I~eing; for he interferes ~vitli no other msn's right of doingthe same with the produce of itis labour. But if anyindividual appropriate to himself the jeld on wlrich alllabour is exercised-if he attempt to set up a clninl to anyparticular part of the earth-he clearly does that which isunjust, and contrary to tlie common equality of rigl~ts,for he inferferes ivilh the equal right of every Iru?non beingto appropriale that same particular spot. Priority of possessiougives no title mllntever ; nor can any duration ofenjoyment establish a right, where a right did not originallyexist. From the very nature of the thing, and theposition in which man stands wit11 regard to his fellows,he never did, and never can, individually, possess any

exclusive right to one single inch of land. Wherever s~iclian assumed right is set up and. acted upon, there willalways exist injustice, and tyranny, and poverty, andinequality of rights, whether the ~eople be ltnder themonarchical or the republican form of governmc~~t ; for allthe wrongs and the woes which man has ever committedor enilured, may be traced to the assumption of a right inthe soil, by certain individuals and classes, to the exclusionof other intlividuals and classes. Equality of rightscan never be enjoyed until all individual claims to landedproperty are subverted, and merged in those of the nationat large.The next step which man has ever talten, after havingclai~nctl property in Iarttl, has I~cen to claim properly inman ; ant1 wherever one man ~~osscsscs land, ant1 :motherhas none, the latter must always be the slave of the former.From this prolific source of evil-exclusive possession ofthe soil-have arisen semi-civilized tlcspotisms, and govcrnmentalpolr er of every ilescription ; for an infringementupon one of the rights of man soon leads to :L disregard ofall his other rights. B~it wre have seen, from the verynature of things, that no man can ever possess a right tothe obedience of another, nor claim property in him; ar?dtherefore, wherever such a pretension is set up, it must bedenounced and resisted, for it is contrary to the letter andthe spirit of Nature's great charter of eql~ality. TheCreator of lnan only is the owner of man ; and the ,assumption of power and dominion by one man or one classover other men and other classes, simply because the oneclaims land and the other does fit, is as unjust as theinequality of property is unjust upon which such claim toexclusive authority is founded.Man, as an individu:rl, is both mertk and poor, and hewill always continue thus while isolatecl and alone. Buthe enters society-an aggregate of weah threads producea powerful rope-an aggregate of indivicluals compose anation. If man be weak and poor when left to himself, hemust necessarily continue weak and poor, as an individ~lal,in any and every state of society ; for society alters neitherElis physical constitution nor his attributes-he is still nomore than one thread of tlie rope. By what principle,then, does any individual claim power and authority overhis fellows ? If wealtness and insignificance be inherentin one man, they will likewiw: be inherent in all men-they will difler in degree only, not in Lind. A thing isequal to itself, and a ~vliole is greater than its part; ;in(lthere is nothing in nature or in lang~iage that can give usan idea of one eq~~al being superior tu another eqltal, orgreater than a thousand or a million of itself. Thereforeall such assumption of supefijority-such toad-blow affectationof supremacy-merith only derision and contempt.There cannot, perhaps, esist a state of society withouta form of government and Ia\vs of some kind: but therenever was, and there never can be, in any person, a right togovern ; nor mn one indivirlual ever justly make laws foranother, and call upon him for obedier~cc. Hr~tllan rightsare eqltal ; :tnd human rights are the true founclation forl~rrman lams and the correct ciefiners of man's :lutl~orityover man.Laws, if I)roperly considered, are no more thari contrivancesto promote the vvelhre of society ; anti thereforethey should be so framed as to afford the greatest secllrityto the whole body politic, with the least restraint upon theactions of individuals. Such being the nature and intcntionof laws, it is evident that all those must be both prejudicialand unjust, which tend to circumscribe the rightsof individuals, without at the same time nffordiug additionalprotection to the cornmunit)-. With respect to theinstitution of laws, no min0rit.y ccan ever possess the RIGHTof imposing laws upon the ~n(Gority ; m ~d therefore, w11ereverlaws have been thus imposed, a manifest tyranny hasbeen committe(1 upon the majority. Nor can a majorityever possess the right of inlposing laws upon the minority,except mc11 laws Itare for their object the eqaalprotectionofsocial rights; for the protection of persons andproperty being the chief end for rvbicl~ men institutehws-and as every man .rvllo respects the rights of otl~era,ought also to have his own rights held sacred-it follows,that all laws instituted by either majority or minority,.fwsuch equal protection of rights, are binding upon all. Butif, from ignorance of the nature of right, or from anyother cause, the majority or niin0rit.y thiuk fit to enactlaws which interfere with the rights of all without at thesame time affording eqttal protection to all, they clearly dothat which is unjust. Of this indefensible and tyrannicalcharacter are the Ia\~s iiow existing in England and othercountries. wllich, ~tndcr pain of fine or imprisonment,wnder it conlp~lsory on ill persons to perform certatu

eligious observances on a stated day. In regard to England,these laws mere enacted by an insignificant minorityof the nation ; but had they been passed with the consentof the majority, they would have been equally unjust andtyrannical in principle, and equally worthy of detestationand resistatlce; for they trespass upon the right of onepart of the nation to enjoy their free will in the matter,without affording any additional protection to the otherpart. Those who enacted the laws, not on1 protectedtheir own right to perform certain services-w ich no onecould dispute-but they, at the same time, infringed onthe equa! rights of others to dispen~e milA llleir observnnce.There is not one law in existence in Great Britain. whichis not more or less cor~taminatetl by this tyrannical princi.ple of interference wit11 private and public rigltt, untler theguise of protecting such right.The rights of man, from their very nature, are independentof, and unconnected with, majorities and niinorities; for such can neither give them nor take them away.From the very principle of equality by which they areregulated, it must follow, that the natural rights of anyaggregation of individuals cannot outweigh the rights ofa single individual ; and althong)~ any nation, or combinationof men, have an undoubted right to institute any lawsthey please relating to tlsemselves, yet such laws cannotjustly operate upon any non-consenting farty, except theprinciple of equality of rights be invade by such party.All the forms of gorernrnent at present existing are ina greater or less degree tyrannical and irresponsible. Thewrongs which emanate from them operate upon the people,generally, in an indirect manner, through the medium oflaws; and such laws are always necessarily imbued withthe spirit of inequality which pervades tlie governmentfrom \r~hich they spring. Might and Right have longbeen, with rulers, synonylnous terms; and right and wisdomand virtue are supposed to be inherent in certainpersons and classes of the community, independent ofother persons and classes. But all these ideas of superiorand inferior4f master and man-may be traced to theneglect of First Principles, and to the consequent rise ofinequality of posscssiorls ; and such itleas will never beeradicated, nor the institutions forlnded upon then1 besubverted, so long as this inequality is maintained. Menhave hitherto blindly hoped to remedy the present unna-tural state of things, and to institute equality of rightsand laws, by removing one rich tyrant and setting upanother-by destroying exislitig ineqzlnlity, and leavinguntouched the cause of the inequality ; but it npill shortlybe seen, that it is not in the nature of any xnere govern,mental change to affo1-d permanent relief-that misgovernmentis not a cause, but a cons~quence-that it is not thecreator, but the created-that it is tlie offspritig of inequuiityof ; and that inequality of possessions isinseparably connectetl wit11 our present social system.From this it will follow, that the present state of thingscannot be remedied, unless we change at once our \vholesocial systetn ; for, alter our form of go~~ernnient :IS \rewill, no such change can affect tlic syste~n-no such cl~:lngccan prevent inequality of possessions, and the division ofsociety into employers ant1 employed-ant1 therefore, as anecessary conseciuence, no such change can remove tlieevils \r.liicl~ this system ant1 this division of society engender.We do not act, and never yet have acted, upon thoseFirst Principles which the Creator has institi~ted for theguidauce and the welfare nf man; nor do \re keep thebroad principle of equality in view, either in our rights orour d~lties, orir labours or our re~varits. With us, almosteverything is unequal, and unnatural, and unjust. Andwhy are things thus ? How is it that some men receiveonly half allownncc for doing double work, \rhile othersreceive ilouble or qundruple allowance merely for lookingon ? There is no principle in numbers \vl~ich will makeone man to be tifty, or a I~undred-there is no principle inproduction wl~icl~ will enable one unaided man, wit11powers only equal to those of any other man, to performthe united li~bour of one hundred-and there is no principleof reason or of justice which will allow one man toal~lropriate the fruits of the labour of one Ilundred. Andyet this unjust appropriatio~l has been practised and toleratetl,in defiance or every principle of numbers and ofjustice, from the creation of xriari to the present (la!..Such is the operation of the present social system-onfraud and robbery Icgnlised stand all its power, and wealth,ancl glory-and until this system be overtliron.~~, and thei~nmutable principles of truth est:~blislietl, let no manspcalc of peace, or look for justice, or hope for happiness !

CHAPTER 111.THE CONDITIONS REQUISITE FOR INDIVIDUAL ANDNATIONAL PROSPERITY.WIFR~ we, apart from the feelings and the prejuclices.which conventional ant1 cdncational circumstances haveirnpressetl upon us, to take a srlrvcy of the whole Ilumanfamily, we might compare them to shipwrecketl men,thrs~rn upon at1 almost desert island. There is sufficientroom for all to lire and move, ant1 plenty of the mereelements of everything necessary to support existence ;but nothing can be done without labour. It requiresI:lbor~r to gather even the wild fruits from the trees, or theshell-fish from the sea-shore. Without labour, we die.Srlrely, the most rational mode of action for men socircumstanced woultl be, to unite together in parties, workant1 share :~lilte, and render to each other mutual assistanceand protection; for, by acting thus, the labour of eachperson would be infinitely liglr tened, and his security bemuch increasetl. The strong could defend the weak, andthe wary advise the strong : all might be of service.But men have heretofore done nothing of the kind.The motto of aln~ost every member of the human familyhas been, and still is-" Each for I1in3self." We havepursuetl different traclts, and lrave moved on alone,although we have all been in search of the same object.-an object, too, which could by no possibility be obtainedby one man except through the instrumentality of hisfellows. We haye been weal; when we might have beenstrong-me have been naked and hungry when we mighthave been clothed and fed-we have t~ecn bitter and implacableenemies wl~e nre might hare heen kind and stedfastfriends.We have suffered and sinned thus on account of ourignorance, and our inattention to First Principles. Nocommon bond of sympathy ant1 fellour-feeling has everdrawn the hearts of men together, for there 11as beenamong them no common interest. We hilve always leftboth the end and the means to chance-to uncontrolletlcircumstance-which has apportioned to each man hislabours, and his rewards, and his punishments, almost independentof either cal)ability, or exertion, or desert.One man has found an oyster and anothcr lias mct lvith ashell-one man lias been fiIled to repletion, and another11 as starved.This cl~ance-way of maintaining life, altliougl~ it mayh agreeable to tile n:rture of brutes, was never intendetlto be acted upon by ration;~l beings. Notwithstandingthat we have ever claimed superiority over all other earthlybeings-and have assumed such pre-erninence solely onaccount of our renson-yet Iiitl~erto, in respect to oursocial institutions, we 1l;lve nli~tle little or no use of thisgreat distinctive attribute. hI:m has a reasonable as wellas an instinctive nature-each given him as a means toattain a certain end-ant1 each being intended to accomplishthat which the other cannot effect. Wl~en manFovels anlong the instincts, he has no pre-eminerlce abovea beast-he becornes not man until he reasons, and obeysthe dictatrs of that reason.The present social system is based upon the instinctive,and not the re'wnable, nature of man. It gives developmentand strength only to our brute perceptions andIt lcaves our self-lore to be guitled by ourinstinct instead of by our reason, in the formation of institutions; and consequently, as the instinct of man is lessperfect than that of any other animal, so is the state ofsociety foundeci upon tltiit instinct more imperfect tl~anthe commtlnity which nature has taught the very beesand beavers to institute. Man has ever been in an unnaturalposition ; and therefore, of necessity, he has alwaysbeen unhappy or discontented-always seeking for change.This restlessness-this eternal yearning after we know notwhat-is not an inherent principle or faculty iu man, whichmust operate in all circumstar~ces and under all influences;for, had this universally prevalcnt ciiscontent been rightlyreasoned upon, and analyscil, it \vould have been found to

proceed,-not from the nature of man, and the incompetencyof earthly things to make him happy-but from thel~nnatural position in which man has ever existed witIlrespect to his fello~vs, and the little use and ill use whichhe tias made of his higher faculties.Unl~appiness is riot felt by any created being, so long assuch being is in the position. vl~ich nature intended it tooccupy ; and it is manifested equally by all, when removedfrom such position. The Creator intended all creatures tobe happy, and therefore placed them in proper situations,or gave them attributes :u~d faculties calculated for theirpreservation and enjoyment. Experience teaches us, thatif we remove any animal from its proper position into onealien to its nature, it immediately exhibits all that restlessnessant1 discontentmer~t which has so long been thecharacteristic of man. Man now exists in an unnaturalstate-as an instinctive rather than a ration:~l being-andhe is therefore necessarily restless and dissatisfied; a ~ so dhe must renlain, until 11e alters his position. Shall we,then, by the aid of those gigantic powers which we possess,create around 11s circllmstances congenial to ournature, and thus become contentetl and joyful; or shallwe stupidly continue to tax the Great Giver of life-thatAlmighty Power whose every law is immutably just-withpartiality or tyranny ? Let us cease our mautllin lamentations,ant1 our outcries, that we only, in a universe ofarlaptatiolr and perfectibility, are lost and forsaken andniiserable beings. Let us, for once, make some use of ourmucli-boasted but much-neglected reason ; and take thatstation-create those circumetances-fulfil that end-forw 11ich existence was bestorved upon us.Tl~e poverty ant1 misery of the masses of all nationshave for ages been notorious. It was easy to make the~~)~rcssed believe, ere Blind had toacl~ed theni with itsquickening spark, that their condition in society, as theslaves and the inferiors of their fello\v-men, was a rrecessaryconseqrlcncc of their existence, and therefore unavoidableand irremediable. But, as time progressed, I~nowledgespread ; and the soils of labour began not onlyto disbelieve the story of their inferiority, but liliewise toattempt to throrv off the yoke of the merciless enemy mhicll]lad so long held them in thraldom. The frequent andvigorous efforts which have been made for this purposeduring the 1st half-century, have not been unheeded bythe party ; and they have discovered the necessityof supporting tlreir pretensions to soprenlacy and wealthby stronger poof than mere assertion. To this endhave certain individuals examined the ground-xvork andtendency of the existing system ; and their labours haveended in the erection of what is called the science ofpolitical Economy. The founders of this science havegone to first principles-they hare reasoned from indisputablefacts-and they have proved, clearly and convincingly,tliat, under the present system, there is no hope fortile working man-that 11e is indeed the bondman of theman of money-and that 11e is kept so by circ~lmstanceswhich lleitlrcr his enemy nor himself can imn~cdiatelycontrol.But let not tlre unjust man %nil the extortioner, mhereeverlie may be, exult in the imxncnsity of his wealth ant1the unconquerableness of his pn\ver--let not a toil-wornant1 an imPoverislled people, wherever they may be, thinkthat their doom is fixed, and that deliverance will nevercome. That mhicll is true of particular undercertain influences, is not necessarily true of the sameprinciples tlndcr all circun~stances; nor is that degradationant1 poverty, which is the portion of the working manunder the present social system, a necessary concomitant ofhis existence under any and every social system. Thisshall be proved by the same principles and the same modeof argument by which the political economists, from notgoing far enough, have proved the contrary. By thusfighting them upon their ourn ground, and with their ownweapons, we shall avoid that senseless clatter respecting" visionaries" and " theorists," \irith which they are SOreailv to assail 311 \rho dare move one step from that beatentrac6 which, " by auttiority," has been pronoullcetl to bethe only right one. Before the conclusions arr~ved at bysuch a course of proceeiling can be overtbron.n, theeconomists must unsay or disprcve those established truthsanlf principles on \rrI~ich their own argunlents are founded." Society," it has been affirmed by n political economist," both iu its rudest form, and in its most refined and complicatedrelations, is nothing but a system of exchangfs.An exchange is a transaction in which 110th the partleswho make the exchange are benefited ;--and, consequently

42 LABOUR'S WRONGS ANDsociety is a state presenting an uninterrupted succession ofadvantages for. all its members."-it has been to make society what it is here representedto be--"an uninterrupted succession of advantages farALL its members"-that the efforts of the truly greatand gmd in all ages have been directed. Society is notthus universally advantageous to all within its p.1 rt e, norhas it ever yet been so. Ask the producers of wea:th-thedespised, the toil-worn, tlie oppressed working men, ofany age or any nation,-if society was ever for them an" uninterrupted succession of advantages." Could theirvoices arise from the grave--could they tell us tlie sickeningtale of their wrongs and their miseries-how ~vi!dwould be their wailings !-how terrible their imprew,tions! But even were liistory silent as to their fate,experience is a perpetual remembrancer to the men of thepresent day; and they cannot change their situation for abetter one, nor wilI they ever have a proper hold uponsociety, until First Principles are universally acted uponuntiIwe attend to those conditions which the politicaleconomists themselves have confessed to be "necessary forthe production of Utility, or of what is essential to thesupport, comfort, and pleasure of human life ;"-and theseconditions are :-" 1. That there shall Ae labour." 2. That there shall be accumulations offormer labour,or capitol."3. That there sAall be exchanges."These three conditions, be it remembered, are those laiddown by the economists. There is no reservation madenodistinction of any particular persons or classes withrespect to whom these conditions shall or shall not havereference. They are applied to society at large, and,from their nature, cannat exempt any individual or anyclass from their operation. We must, therefore, take tIieconditions as they are, and apply them, with their advantngesand their disadvantages, to all alike.IIad these conditions been fulfilled by men, as theyought to I~ave been, there would now be no occasion forforming associations to obtain political rights, or trades'unions to protect the employed from the n~erciless exactionsof the employers. But these conditions have bee11neglected, or only partially observed, and the present con-&tion of tlie working man and society at large is tlie consequence,Prom our habits and prejurlices, it is dificoltto discover truths or First Principles, but it is still moredifficult to apply these principles properly, or even to conceivethat they may be acted upon. First Principles arealways general in their application-not partial. Thel ~ ~ iTIIOU - ~ SEIALT LABOUR"--rests alike on all createdbeings. To this great law, from the mirn~test animalculein a drop of water, to the most stupendous whale whichdives beneath the waves of ocean, t!~ere are naturally, andthere shoulil be artificially, no exceptions. Man orlly canescape this law ; and, from its nature, it can be evade 1 byone man only at the expense of another. The litw itselfis never destroyecl or ;ibrogatctl-it liaturally and perpetuallypresses eqr~ally upon all men-upon the capitalist aswell as the worlting man-arid if one mati or one classescape its pressure, the slim total of its force ill bearup some other nian or class. It is as :ibsol~lte conditiolr ofexistence " that there shall be labour."The word " Labour," with most men, has unpleasantideas associated with it. To marly, it signifies raggedness,or ignorance, or degradation-aclli~rg bones, mental andbodily lassitude, a gn:i\rirrg dissatisfaction wit11 every thingarounci them, and ;t, h:tlf-\r-earincss of life. To destroy theinexplicable feelings ~vlrich excessive labour thus creates,the over-wrought ~vorking Inan wants, and he must have,some mental or botlily restorative to supply this waste ofvital energy. But the present institutions of society offerh h nothing of tlie kind, Tliere is nothing around biln toraise up 111s ~,rostmteci soul, and enlarge and purify thenoble germ within him ; for everytiling he hears 2nd sees2nd feels, tends to enforce lipon him a sense of inferiorityand abasement. No wonder t11:tt his manlrood droops and\vitllcrs-thnt he seelis for the momentary relaxation:rfforcled by deb:~ucher~-tll;t,t he soon loses even the desireto improve liis very few llours of leisure, and becomes contentto plod through life, not as a man, but as :In animaleating,drinl

een an actual curse--only because men have not used itrightly. The great mass of mankind has laboured toexcess ; and, like every other excess, labour has excitedlittle else than aversion and loathing.Labour ought to raise none of these unpleasant ern&tions ; nor would it do so if taken in moderation. If weunderstood things rightly, we should consider labour ablessing rather than a curse, for it is the one great prestrvativeof intellectual and corporeal health. But, withstrange inattention to the nature and uses of things, theworld at large stamps labonr, which is the parent of everyenjoyment, as not only unpleasant, but derogatory. Tneworlcing man must not sit with the idler or the capitalist,nor must he eat with them, or associate with them. Thepot-house and the hovel are allotted to the one-the ballroomand the palace are usurped by the other. To haveever honestly earned a shilling, is, under the presentsystem, and by tliose who have perched themselves uponthe pinnacles of that system, considered almost as a moralstain upon a man, which can be wiped away only bysuccessive generations of icllers. Those are now the mostregarded who can point back to the longest list of ancestorswho never did one useful thing, ant1 who have thereforelived for ages upon the industry of the productiveclasses, by what can only be called tolerated robbery. Butall labour must come from some parties ; and the advocatefor justice and for equal rights cannot but exclaim-"Letgthose only cry out against worlting who can live withouteating and drinking, for none but such were intended to beidle."Labour is neither more nor less than labour ; and onekind of employment is not more honourable or dishonourablethan another, although all descriptions of labour maynot appear of equal value to society at large. Suchinequality of value. however, is no argument for inequalityof rewards ; and when we have examined the subject in allits bearings and relations, we shall find that it' is as justand reasonable that equal labour of all kinds should beequally remunerated, as it is just and reasonable thatlabour should be universal. Man, properly constituted,requires not the low stimulant of superior pecuniary rewardto spur him on to do his duty to his fellow-man.All kinds of labour are so mixed up together, and sodependent on each other tliat the institution of inequalityof rewards involves more actual peculliary injustice thana n possibly have existence under a systcnl which rewardsall men and all trades alilce, for a similar application ofiabur ; whilst the moral and physical evils which experi..ence has proved to be inseparable from the present systemof ineaualitY--the uncharitableness, the insatiable greediness,the bloodshed, the wrongs of every ltind mlllch therecords of three thousand years are filled with-can havelittle or no existence in connection wit11 equality of rewardfor equal labour.Not only are the greatest advantages, but strict justicealso, on the side of a system of equality. It must be confessedby all men, that the most important discovery orinvention, unless labour be applied to bring forth itsresults, is just as useless to its as the merest trifle. Thus, .altltougl~ it may be said that he \vho invents a steamengineconfers a greater benefit upon society than the manwl~o makes it,-xnd that he who makes it does a greaterservice tI1an he rho merely fills it with water and liindlesthe fire under it,-yet, in reality, the labour of the lastman is just as necessary, to produce the effects tlesiretl, asthe labo~lr of the first. Tlie drawing or model of thcinventor is of no value until seconded by the labour of theengine-maker ; and the perfected engine, until it be put inmotion by fire and water, is as worthless as the meremodel. The results to be produced by the instrunlentalityof the engine are thus dependent, and equally dependent.upon the labour of all the parties concerned. Every manis a link, and an indispcnsable link, in the chain of effects-the beginning of wlricll is but an idea, and the end, perhaps,the production of a piece of cloth. T~IIIS, althoughwe may entertain difierent feeliligs towards the severalparties, it does not follow that one should be better paidfor his labour than another. The inventor will everreceive, in addition to his just pecuniary reward, thatwhich genius only can obtain from us-the tribute of ouradmiration.Under the present social system, wit11 its individualizedand opposing interests, and its high ;\nil low employments,equal rernutieratio~l for equal labour would be both impracticableand unjust. Sonle professions and trades, toobtain a mastery orcr them, require quadruple the time

46 LABOUR'S WRONGS ANDand expense which are necessary to he devoted to others.Such time and expense are now borne by isoIated individuals; and therefore, as the time and labour attendanton the acquisition of particular employments are sounequal, equal remuneration would ilivolve a positiveinjustice. But under a rational system of communionand co-operation, where society at large would take uponitself the education ant1 employment of all its membersbearevery expense connected with the acquisition ofscientific attainments and common trades-and derive, ingross, the peculiar advantages dependant upon the merelymomentary unproductiveness of scientific pursuits--equalremuneration for equal labour would be as just towardsthe inventor of a steam-engine, as towards the malier ofthe engine, or the man who sets it in motion. Undersnch a system, containing institutions furnished with everynecessary apparatus for investigation and discovery, thousandsof persons couid easily obtain that scientific knowledge,and enter upon that wide field of experimentalresearch, which it now demands a fortune to acquire andpursue ; and equal remuneration for equal labour \vould bethe true and the just recompense for all services.In the second place, " There shall he acc?tmulations offor~ner labour, or capital."We all know that accumulations are no more than theunconsumed products of former labour,-whether honses, ,machinery, ships, or anything else tlrat is useful, or thatcan assist us in creating more wealth. All tllese thingsare capital. Had the first and succeeding generations ofmen consumed all that they ~roduced-had they left theirsuccessors neitlier houses, tools, rtor any other kind ofwealth-we should now necessarily have been, as theywere, half-starved and half-clotlrecl savages. It is in thepower of every generation, even under the most unfavonrablecircumstances, to leave the world richer, in respect toaccumulations, than they found it ; and it is their duty soto do. The principle of accumulating or saving seems tobe instinctive in man, for it has never yet been entirelylost sight of, although it has been acted upon ignorantly,and with little or no Itnowledge of tlie iniportant resultsconnected with its fi~lfilment. We have inlierited thegreater part of our present accumulation from precedinggenerations, and merely hold them as it were in trust, fortire benefit of ourselves find our successors; for tile menof the future have as good a title to them as me have.Every generation tl111s receives a greater or less amouut ofaccunluJated \vec~lth from those \vhich preceded it ; tlierefore,in equity, every generation is bou~rd to provide for itssuccessors in at least the same ratio as itself was providedfor; and as population is ever on the increase, so likewiseought accnmulations to be always on tlie increase.Tliat ivhicll applies to a generation, as n wliole, appliesalso to every individual of such generation ; and as thereoug11t to be national accurnulntion, there ought liliewisc tobe ~ndividnnl a~curnulation, for tlie first is depentlcnt uponthe last. The political cconon~ists, with tlie co!d-bloodednntl calculatitlg vor;tcity inducctf by the prcsent system,tell the l)rotluctivc classes that they must accumulatethatthey must tlepe!id upon their own exertions; butllowever good the atlvice nlay be in principle, it is, whilethe morlting man is pressed into the eartll by existingusages, no more than the arfdition of ;in insi~lt to aninjury. They cannot accu~nnlate : and the reason is,-notbecause they are idle, not because they are intemperate,not because they are ignorant,-but because tl~osenccuniulations,whicli have been Iianded domo for the benefit ofthe present generation as n whole, are us~lrped, and theiradvantages exclusively enjoyed, by particz~lar i?~dividualsand classes.The third ant1 last conilition of the economists is,'< That ticere sAnll be exchanges."An exclrange is tlefined to be a transaction between twoparties, in which eacll gives to the other something whichlie has not so much desire for, ;IS he has for the article\vhich he receives in return. Tllus every tnan 1~110 ~rorlisfor hire exclranges his Inbo~ir for a cert;tin sum of money,because he \roultl r;ttlrer work, and receive the money,than remairr iclle, antl starre. The capitalist, in lilte nianner,would rather give his lnoney for a certain quantity oflabour, than live upon it as long as it should last ; for hesells or exchaugcs the produce of such lnbour for a greatersum than the labour originally costs him, and by theserneans is enabled not only to live in idleness, but to increasehis store of wenltlr at tlre same time. The capitalists, aswe have seen, call this sl,ecies of exchange " a transactior~in \vliich both the parties who lnalic tlre escl~ange are

48 LABOUR'S WRONGS ANDbenefited; conseqiiently, society is a state presentingan uninterrupted succession of advantages for all itsmembers."The subject of exchanges is one on which too muchattention cannot be bestowed by the productive classes ;for it is more by tlie infraction of this third condition bythe capitalist, than by all other causes united, that inequalityof condition is produced and maintained, and theworking man offered up, hound hand and foot, a sacrificeupon the altar of Mammon.From the very nature of labour and exclrange, strictjustice not only requires that all exchangers should bemutual~y, but that they should liltewise be equally,benefitetl. Men have only two things lr~hich they callexchange with each other, namely, labour, an(1 the produceof labour; therefore, let tliem exclrange as they mill, theyrnerely give, as it were, labour for 1abo11r. If a just systemof exchanges were acted upon, the value of all articleswould be determined by the entire cost of production;and equul values should nbuays exchange for equalvalues.If, for instance, it talte a hatter one day to nlalte a hat,and a shoemalcer the same time to m:\lce a pair of shoessupposingthe material used by each to be of the samevalue-and they exchange these articles with each other,they are not on1 mutually but equally benefited: theadvantage derive( r by either party cannot he a disadvantageto the other, as each has given the same amount oflabour, and the materials made use of by each were ofequal value. But if the hatter should obtain two air ofshoes for one hat-time and valoe of material being asbefore-the exchange ~i~orild clearly he an unjust one. Thehatter woulil defraud the shoemalter of one day's labour;and were tlre former to act thus in all his exchanges, hewould receive, for the 1:~hour of I~nlf a year, the productof some other person's dole year ; therefore tile gain ofthe first would necessarily be a loss to tlre last.We have tleretofore acted upon no other than this mostunjust system of exchanges-the worlcmen have given thecapitalist the labour of a wlrole year, in exchange for thevalue of only llalf a year-and from this, and not fromthe assumed ineqr~ality of bodily and mental powers inintfividuals, has arisen the inequality of wealth and powerwhich at present exists around US. It is an inevitablecDlldition of inequality of exchanges-of buying at one price*]ling at anotller-that o?pitxlists shall continue tobe GTpitalist~, and worliing men be working men-the onea class of tyrants and tlre other a class of slaves-toeternity. By equality of exchanges, 'however, tlo ablebodiedindividual can exist, as thousands now do, nnless hefulfil that cocdition of the economist, "that there stlall belabour ;" nor can one class appropriate the produce of thelabour of another class, as the capitalists now appropriateenjoy the wealth :vl~ich the powers of the workingman tlailp c:tll into cxistcllce. It is inequality of excliangeswlricli enables one class to live in luxury ancl idleness, anddooms anotlker to incessant toil.13y the present unjust :lnd iuiqriitolls systern, exchangesare not only not mntually benetici;il to all pi~rties, as tlrcpolitical econo~nists have ~sscrted, but it is l)l;tin, fro111 thevery nature of :in cschange, that there is, ill ~nostr:rnsactionsbetween the c;ipit:ilist aud tlie producer, nftcr theJirst remove, no exchange ~vllatever. At1 exchange impliesthe giving of one thing for another. But what is it thatthe capitalist, whether he be manufiicturer or landed proprietor,~ives in exchange for the labour of the workingman ? rhe capitalist glves no labour, for he does not~ilnrk-he gives no capital, for lris store of wealth is beirigperpetually a~~gmentetl. It is certain that the capitalistcan have otlly his labour or his capital to escliange againstthe labour of the vorlting man ; ant1 if, as we daily see,the capitalist gives no labour, and his original stock ofcapital does not decrease, he cannot in the nature of things~nalte an exchange with anything that belongs to himself.The \vhole transaction, therefore, plainly shews that thempitalists and proprietors do no more thau give theworking man, for his labour of olw \ve~li, n part of thewealth which they nbtainctl from him the week before !-which just amor~nts to giving him nothing for somethingandis a method of doing business \vhich, lrowever consnnantwith the establishetl usages of the present system, isby no means co~npatible with a morlcing man's itleas ofjustice. Tlre \reititti whiclr tlle capitalist appears to givein eschange for the \vorliman's labour \\.as generateclneither by tl~c IaI,our nor the riches of the capitalist, butit was origini~ll~ oi)tainetl l)y the labour of the workmarr ;and it is still daily taken from Iiim, by a lfri~udulc~lt

system of unequal exchanges. Tl~e whole transaction,therefore, between the producer and the capitalist, is apalpable deception, a mere fdrce: it is, in factJ inthousands of iostances, no other than a barefaced tIlouglllegalised robbery, 6y means of which the capitalists andproprietors contrive to fasten themselves upon the productiveclasses, and sucli from them tlreir whole substance.Those who assist not in production can never justly beexchangers, for tlrey have nothing on wl~ich to dralv, andtherefore nothing which tlrey can exchange. No man 'possesses any ~ratural and inherent ~'c;~lt!r within lrimself-he has merely a capabilily oj'laboriring ; therefore, if sman possess any created wealth-any capital-and lravcnever made use of this capal)ility, :irrtl 11;rvc never Ii~bo~~rcd,the wealtl~ whic11 Ilc holtls in ~~osseusion cannot rightly belongto him. It n111st I~clong to some persons who havecreated it by labour; for capital is not self-existent. Tlrevast accumulations now in Great Britain, tlrcreforc-asthey are neither the production of tlrc labollr of thepresent race of capitalists nor tlreir predecessors, and werenever given to them in exchange for any such labour-donot belong to tlre capitalists either on the principle ofcreation or the principle of exchange. Nor arc thrytheirs by right of heirship ; for having been producednationally, they can only justly be inherited by the nationas a whole. 'ffrus, view the matter as we will, there is tobe seen no towering pile of wealth that has not been,scraped togetlrer by rapacity-no transaction between tlreman of labour and the man of money, tlrat is not clraracterised by fraud and injustice.Here, then, is demonstration, flowing naturally fromfacts, that tlrc three great conditions which the ecor~omistsacknowledge to be rCrrecessarp to the support, comfort, andpleasure of human life," arc almost unheeded, and two ofthem totally unacted upon, by the capitalists themselves.The law which says

emedy for their wrongs; but it has been shewn that tIiesewrongs arise from a deeper source than form of gorernment,and that they cannot be removed by any meregowrnmental change. Under the present social system,the wl~ole of the working class are dependent upon tilecapitalist or en~ployer for the means of labour; and whereone class, by its position in society, is tli~is dependent uponanother class for the nrEANs OF LABOUR, it is dependent,likewise, for the BIE~NS OF LIFE ; and this is a conditionso contrary to the very intention of society-so revoltingto reason, to justice, to natural equality of rights-that itcannot for one moment be pallilted or tlcfendcd. It conferson rnan a power w)iich ougllt to be vested in nothingmortal. Ineq~lality of ~)ossessions give Inan this domiriior~over his fellow-man ; ant1 therefore inequality of possessions,and not particular forms of govcrrin~ent, constitutethe great evil :--and inequality of exchanges, ;is l~eing thecause of inequality of possessions, is tlle secret enemy thatdevours us. No simple governmental change can affectthe present social system -can alter the relative positionof the employer and the employed-can have any influenceon inequality of condition ; therefore all such changes areillusory, I~o~wvcr extensive they may appear; and must,from their nature, be utterly wortl~less, except in so far asthey concern the personal liberty of tlie governed. Undera state of things lilte that which now exists, the workingclasses, no matter what may be their intelligence, or theirmorality, or their industry, or their political power-are,by the very constitution of society, and tlleir position in it,doomed and damned to hopeless and irremediable slaveryuntil tlie end of the world !CHAPTER IV.THE CONSEQUENCES OF NEGLECTING FIRST PRTN-CIPLES.IT ]laS beell sllcwn by the economists tl~emsclves, thatt)lrce conditions arc absolutely necessary to the existenceof lluniatl society; namely, tliirt there shall be Iabourthatthere shit11 be accumulations of tlie produce of Iabour,or capital-and that there shall be exchanges. It haslikewise been demonstrated, that these conditions, fromtheir very nature, and the relation in which men in societystand wit11 regard to each other, can be evadeil by oneindividlial or one class, only at the espense of otherindividuals or classes; and it follo~vs, therefare, that everyman commits a wrong upon some part of the community,if he render not to society an equivalent equal to thehenefits which he receives. It has been detluced, also,froin a considcratio~~ of the intention and end of society,not only that all rnen should Iabour, and thereby becomeexchangers, but that equal values should always eschangefor equal values-and that, as the pin of one man oughtnever to be tl~e loss of another, value should ever betlcterniinect by cost of production. But we hare seen,that, under tllc present arrangements of society, all mendo not labour-that all escliangers, therefore, are noteqnally benefited-that the gain of the capitalist and t1;erich man is always the loss of the workman-that tllisresult will invariably talie place, and the poor mati be leftentirely at the mercy of the rich man, under any ant1every forni of governnlcnt, so long as tllere is inequality ofeschi~nges-ant1 thilt equality of excl1:u1gcs can be insuredonly under social :irrangements in \vliich Inbour is univer-

sal, and where the remuneration is as equal to the labour.A few more examples of the worlting of the presentsystem will shew us, more clearly, the utter fatuity ofattempting to remedy evils which are inherent in the veryconstitution of society, in any other manner than bya complete reconstruction of the social system.There are in the United Kingdom, at the presentmoment, many thousands of persons who have toilet1 hardall their lives, and yet who are not possessed of property ofthe value of one year's labour; and there arc also manythousands who have never performed one month's labour,and who, nevertheless, arc now possessctl of wealth of thevalue of many h~~ndreds of pountls sterling. I-low camethese rich men in possession of this capital? They havenever laboured, and yet they arc not only enabled to livewithout nrorliing, but their wealth increases every year.Some of them will tell us-and they glory in the confession-thattheir property was acquired in by-gonetimes, by concluest; others say that their riches are thehoarded fruits of their own inclustry,--meaning, thereby,the interest or profit tvhich they have obtained by meansof nnequal exchanges in the employment of capital; andothers, again, merely affirrn that thc wealth which theypossess has been derived from their ancestors, by inheritance.The attainment of wealth by conquest is so glaringlyunjust, that all claims founded upon it stand self-condemnedat once ; and that any individual has a righe totake to himself, or to grant to another, one single foot ofearth, has been denied and disproved alreaiiy,-for tlteearth is the common property of all its inhabitants, andeach one has a just claim, not to a particular part of theearth itself, but n~erely to that wealth which his labourcan compel the earth to ~icld him.Those capitalists who profess to have acquired theirriches by deriving a profit from capital, through theinstrume~itality of unequal exchanges, have a claim but onedegree more just than the claim by conquest. Our dailyexperience teaches us, that if we take a slice from a loaf,the slice never grorv7s on again : the loaf is but an accumillationof slices, and the more we eat of it, the less willthere to be eaten. Such is the case with the loafof the working mnn ; br~t that of the capitalist followsnot this rule. Nis loaf continually increases instead ofdiminishing : wit11 him, it is cut and come again, for ever.Every \rorltrnan knows that if he save a few poundssterling, a11d come to be ill, or out of employment, he canlive only for a certain time upon this money. It is hiscapital-the accumulated produce of his own industryandit ilwindles away until the whole is consumed. Andso, likewise, if excllanges were equal, mould the wealth ofthe present capitalists gradually go from them to theworking classes : every shilling that the rich man spent,would leave him a shilling less rich ; for from the nature ofthings it must follow, that if a part be taken from awhole, that which remains must, as a \vhole, be less thanit was before such pnrt was taken from it.With respect to the acquisition of wedth by inheritance,it requires but little reflection to convince US, thatpast circumstances have re~~rlerctl it impossible for anymember of the prod~ictivc class to have nccumn,ulated, bythe most incessant hoarding of tlie produce of his ownindustry, wealth amounting to one-fiftieth part of suchvast accumn1;~tions as so many tllousands of individualcapitalists and proprietors now hold. It is evident, whenwe take all things illto consideration, that it would requirethe handing down of the savings of many generations of n.working man's family, to :mount to the sum even of onethousand pounds sterling; and that this could be doneonly by a combination of favourable circumstances such aswould not have fallen to the lot of one family in a million.We all know that there have been bloody and exterminatingwars in all ages-that most countries, and GreatBritain amongst the rest, have at times been overrun andplundered by bauds of armed robbers, and consequentlyall production of wealth been at :L ~tand~that the productiveclasses alone, through the mcdlum of unequalexchanges, have always had to support tlie pride and thepomp of aristocracy and its plaything governments-sothat it is all but impossible that any capitalist can havederived even one thousand pounds sterling from tlieactual hoarded labour of his working-class progenitors.From the very conditions laid down by the politicaleconomists-that there shall be labour, and accumulations,and excl~anges-it follows, that there can be no exchangeswithout accun~ulations-no flcc?dmvlalions witjtol~t labour.

This latter condition alorle condemns at once the cause of thecapitalist, antl shews the injustice antl morthIessness of tiletenure hy \vl~ich he hold^ his wealtt~. There are accumulations,and therefore there has been labour on tile part ofcertain individnals or certain classes. If the capitalistsliave created the accumulations thcy hold, the accllmula,tions are theirs by right of creation; and, if they haveobtained them by cxclranging for them other accumulatioilsof equal value, then are thcy theirs by right ofexchar~ge. But the great mass of capitalists andproprietors have never labonreti in the business ofproduction; and even had they been labourers, thcycoul(l not havc created the ~vcalth in their possession;for their pl~ysical and intellectual power, ;ind theircor~sccjuent capability of protluction, is not superiorto that of thc great body of working men. How comesit to pass, thet~, that he who is itlle is rich, whiletl~ose ~rrho are in(1ustrious toil on in perpetual Ijoverty ?EIow is it that the wealth of the working man remainsstationary, or dccrcases, while tl~at of the capitalistyearly increases ? How is it that the rising man of profitrides upon his horse while the worlimar~ wallts-the horsegives placc to the gig-the gig is superseded by thecl~ariot-ant1 as the rich man grows more rich, Ilc growsmore lazy, and performs less worl

commodity at one price, and without adding any increasedvalue to it by ltis own labour, Ire sells tlte coinmotlity fordot~ble the sum which it originally cost him : and thus hel~ecornes rich at the expense of others. Or again, he procuresa certain quantity of labour for his hundred pounrls,and he sells the product of such labour for two hundred, Now, if the labour was originally worth twok?r!~i!:d pounds, and this newly created capitalist gavebut one hundred for it, he has clearly defrauded his workmenof one-half their just due; and if tlte labour masworth only one liundretl pounds, itnd the capitalist hasobtained two hundred for it, it is equally clear that he hasilefrauded the parties with whom he made the secondexchange, for he only gave them the one huntlred for theirtwo hundred. All the gain thus acrl~lirctl by the citpitalist,whether from the first or tlre second exchange, isextracted errtirely from the productive classes. Society atlarge consists only of two parties-those wlro work, iindthose wlto do nothing. Fron~ the natnre of the case, I~ovrever,the itllers cannot have t~een ilefral~ded by theunequal exchange, for, as they (lo not labour, they canhave nothing of their 011 11 to exchange ; so that the ~vl~olegain-the whole accumuli~ted profit, or interest, or whateverelse it may be callecl, ~vlrich every capitalist receives urltlerthe present system-is taken from the producers at large-from the very working class rif the community, for theyonly l~ave ~rherelrith to exchange-and that is, their ,labour, and the proiluce of such labour. Thc capitalist,by thus continuing to " exchange," is shortly in possessionof as many thousands as he originally had hundreds-andthis, too, with little or no lahour on his part-until atlength he retires to enjoy himself on his " honest pins."The sons follow the course of the father-they live inluxury and idleness, ilnrl so they become, and breed away,ad infinitzm, a race of "capitalists !". Sucl~ is the origin of the great majority of petty capitalistswho now grind tl~e worliiny classes into the dnst.Brit of all the vast wealth thus obtained by unequalexchanges, it is self-evident that tlre original stock onlythehundred pounds, or whatever it may be-is all thateach capitalist is justly entitled to. This hundred pounclsbelongs to the c;tpitalist-it has, we will suppose, been theprod~cc of Itis o m industry-and to it, therefore, he is'justly But here the justice of his claim censes ;for all the wei~lth which this sun1 is instrumental in producing,by means of the labour of otllers, belongs to otl~ers,not to the owner of the hundred pounds. Thismoney possesses not tvitliin itself the poser of locomotion,nor any action-it is no more th:m the representativeof a certain quantity of produce, and can of itself doI,ott~ing-it is neither worn, nor broken, nor deteriorated,after it llas been thus instrumental in production. Theeapit?llist receives it back in the same state as he lent itout-lle is not one farthing less rich from the circumstanceof others having matte use of his money-therefore, hav-ing lost notl~ing, lie is in strict justice erltitle(1 to no com-m ens at ion-to nothing except a revard for his labourequal to that which any otllcr Inan receives for nn equalexpenditure of labour.The political economists and capitalists have writtenand printed many boolcs to impress upon the worlcing lnanthe fallacy that "the gain of the capitdist is ?rot theloss of tlte producer." We are told that Labour cannotmove one step without Capital-that Capital is as ashovel to the man who digs-that Capital is just as necessaryto production as Labour itself is. The working manlinoms all this, for its truth is daily brought home to him;but this muttla1 dependency between Capik~l and Labourhas nothing to do with the relative position of the capitalistand the morliing nlnn ; nor does it show that theformer should be maintained by the latter. Capital is butso much unconsumed produce; and that which is at thismoment in being, exists now indepetident of, and is in noway identified with, nny particuliir individual or class.Labour is the pnreilt of it, on tlic one side, and motherearth upon the other ; arid were every capitalist and everyrich man in the United Kingdoln to be nnniliilated in onemoment, not a single particle of wealth or capital woulddisappear with them ; nor would the nation itself be lesswealthy, even to the amount of one farthing. It is thecapital, and not the capitalist, t11:it is essential to theoperations of the producer; and there is as much differencebetween the two, as there is between the actualcargo and the bill of lading.From the relation which capital and labour bear to eachother, it is evident tllat the inore capital or accumulated

LXUDUR'~ REMEDY.6 1produce tllere is in a country, the greater will be thefacilities for ])ro(I~~ction, and the less lal~oor tvill it regrlireto obtain a given result. Tlios the people of Grc;tt Bri.min, with the aid of tlieir present vilst ilcc~lmulations ofcapital-their boilPings, machinery, shil)s, canals, alldrailways-can prod~lce more manufactured ivealtl~ in onerreek, than their ancestors of a tllni~sand years sillce collldhave created in I~alf a century. It is not our sllperiorphysical powers, l111t o11r capital, \111icll enaYes 11s to dot i ; for, ~vllerevcr tbere is a [leficiency of capital r(luction will progress slos.ly and laboriossly, and 9 P vtee .oqlersn.From these considerations, then, it is apparent,that rvholcver is gnired to cnPrrrAr,, is iilrenrise toJ ~ A ~ o u Revery - ~ ~ i~~crcase ~ ~ of the former tclltls to(linlinirb the toil of the l;itter--i~~lcl tll;lt, t}lcreforc, everyIOSS to Cilpit:iI must also be a loss to Labollr., 1Lis.trllth, , tho~lgl~ long since observed by theecnrlomlsts, has never vet been fairlv statell by tIlem,, I . hey have even identifihd Capital wit11communit~r, and Labour wit11 another class-altbo~g}~one class of thethetIr-0 pow-3 llave natilrally, ancl sl~oald 11avc nrtificiallv,no s11cl1 connection. The econnn~ists always attempt iomake the ropeit, if not the very existence, of theworking marl dependent upon the condition of maintainingthe capitalist in lnxury and iclleness. They ~r~ould nothave the working man to eat a meal ilntil he bas proclueedtsvo-one for himself and the otl~er for his master-thelatter receiving his portio~~ indirectly, by unequal enchanger.By thus dividing society into two classes, andkeeping separate the labour and the capital, the econa~nists a11d capitalists are enablecl, by uneqtlal ercl~angea,to maintain the supremacy of their clam over tile workingclass ; and tllen they infamously and blaspl~emously tellthe latter, that this state of things has beell so ordainedby the Almi~htv!D JUnder the present social system, Capital and Labourtheshovel ancl the digger-are two separate and antago.nist po~ers; and SUCII they always have been, evermust be, wller~ existing in connection with particularindividuals ancl classes. Although Capital and Labourare intimately eon~~ected with and depcnrlent upon eadlother, and both work together for a common end-thatentl is PRODUCTION, and not the exaltation of one mmnll(l tile abasement of mother. In connection with psrtielllarindividllals and clieses, ho\vcrer, Ci~pitd and Lahourcan hare no commilrlity of interest-tlley rvill ever inhostility-for tile gais of the c;~pitslist is al\wysthe loss of tlie morlring man, anrl tllc porcrty and toil ofthe last is a neccss:iry cc~nserluel~ce of tlle \vea!th and theidleness of the first.01 the vast, \veaItI~ no~v existing in tlle UnitedI(inndorn-lfrortb,9 as it is, so mlsy tl~oi~sanlls of nlillionsstcrllng, pmlaeed, as it has been, by 1:iboor ofthe pro(lactire classes during many centuries-of ;dl thisimmense ~~:~lth, tile sllarc rvhieh the \rorliil~g lnall 1101cls;lad enjoys is but as an ounce to il toll-a dr01) to anoce;ill-ill l:visos tililt wl~id, tlie prrse~~t socialsvsten, llils cnrble(1 the c;lllit;llists to oht;tie pnssassial of.'PIle sh:ire of tile \i.orl,iufi mau has llerer j'ct beell greater,;,n(l llever tVill \,e grc;ltcr, cvon if o~illioss up011 llli~~ion~Ire anllunlly. pmdac*(l, el long as the princil)le of ulleilllrlllscllanges 1s to]er;Ltcd ; fur this illune will niaitltain the~)~*esent (]irision of society into cnpitalists and producers,:ind rear tile wealth and the supremacy of tile rille, upontile poverty the dograclatioll of the otlicr. \Irl]en the.lor)imm bas a tbisg, it is his no l011pr-itl)elonps to tile capitJist-it l~rs been co~lreyed from tile,)ne to the other by tile linseen mrpic of llnegllal escllallgefi.TIle \voiliing man, nottvitlistanding all his toil, findingllimself as poor as ever, fortl~irith 1abotlrs :Lllra). t0 plodu(.emore uredth ; an(1 this, again, is co~lveyed to the capiblistin tile salne mnnllrr as the filust \!'as. Anll ~IILII,plun(lercd, nlust the ivorki~~g class toil onto tile of the prcscnt soci;~l system ; for the c;~pitidistsand the onlployers, as such, will ;~ls.ays interests,lyposed to those of tilo producers at lilrge. It is theinterest of tile working nran to acquire as much \vesltil rsponssib]e by melns of Ilia own labour-it is tile interest oftheto ac(l~lire as inllcll wesltb as possible bJ'Incans of profit, or tile labour of other people; and as dlmust come from labor, and as the wealth of tilecapitllist is but an accl~mulation of profit, the pin ofcapitalist must be the loss of the working man. The verynature of tile rc escl~ang~T' el~ich takes ])lace between theparties will inevitably perljetuate the .cdth of tile onethe pverty of the other ; md tlit~s effectually sllbvert

clozen times in tl~c year-that they had neitl~er books,Iiewspapcrs, nor Itno\r~ledgc, antl llatl to eitl~er worlc orfight as their masters and owners tliol~ght fit. If all thisbe true, and tlie worltitiq"" class be now n~ucli better off thantheir predecessors were, lt is no reason ~vhp they should notbe still better off, and eqllally as well off as tl~osc whotell them to 11oltl their tongues, and be contented with the1)osition n~l~ich they now occupy. All 11ap1)iness is comparative; and it is not irl human nature to remain satisfiedwith any station, so long as it is cognizant of a better ; norwill men submit to be mc:~suretl by A low standard, so longas there is a higher one in existence. Wl~y should enorlrlousmasses of n~ealtlr be in tllc possession of the itllc ant1the pndlig;~tc, ~vhen tl~c in~lustriorls and the Itonest arctvitho~~t il penny ? TYlly sl~oultl ~vcll-fed ant1 ~vcll-clotltctlinsignificar~ce roll slothfully along in its splendid vehicle,in ~wrsuit of ne\v ~IC:ISIII.CS to tcnlpt its ~)nllcd appetite,ill111 tile toil-111orn ;~rtiz;~u 1)c compelled to plod to llis dailyorlc, wit11 half-clothe(1 back antl lln~~gry belly ? There isno reasotl given, for there is not one to be found. Theimmaculate Spirit of Justice trltich exists throughout creation,tells mcrl, in accents of eternal truth, that He neverinstituted these most u~ljust distinctions amongst them.The productive classes of the Unitetl Klngdom are\reiglted to the earth by sue11 a variety and multiplicityof burthens and wrongs, that enumerationant1 description both fajl in bringing into view the,sun^ totitl. The ills they suffer are brought hometo them through every sense ; for sight, Ilearing, smel!,taste, ant1 feelirlg alilte proclaim the wrong, and tell menthat a remedy is neetlcd. These evils are so intermoveni~ito the preseut systetn-so ramified and entangled-soitssirnilated into every social and political institution-thattlre productive class can o111y free tl~emselves by cuttingthrough all at one blow. Erery mere governnientai remetlyhiis been proved fallacious and useless. One remedy yetremains to be tried, antl one only-that of changing thevery conrse of human society, antl sweeping away, at once,the accuniulatetl wrongs of tl~ousands of years. Someanlongst us may start at tlte magnitude of the remedy pro-~)cseed, but the change is no more than will be necessary totffect tlie gigantic evil which consnmes us. Let those ~vhnthink that less will do, turn over the page of history-letdiem loolc back to the working inari of all ages, nnder allforms of government, nutlcr :dl s'ystems of religion-andtl~ey will find that the \vroligs ant1 the crils of which wenow coniplain have always existed. Has not every effort,petty or mighty, moral or physical, been insutficient tos]iaI;e off that cnlshing incabus ivliich has for so many agesrlcadened the sold of the producer of wealth ? Docs notevery struggle of tlie working man fail to subvert t11;tt nnseenpower which chains Ilis prostrateii energies to tlicevcr-moving oar of capital, and gives him up, bound bodysoul, to every ill that the governmental ant1 ecclesiasticaltyranny of class ant1 c;lSte may C~OOSC to inflict upon? If despotism, or the esercise of unde1eg;ttcd autllorityby I,nrticular indivi0l1:ils ;uid clnsses, -conld havedone it, tliere 111,s been despotism enougli-if liberty, eitheras into licentiousness, or as ~011n~~tctl lvitll ohtlienccto political :~uthority self-i~npos~d ant\ srlbjcct topol>lllnr control, coultl 11avc (lone it, tlicrc llas at times heenliberty enougll-if prayers, a11d sacrifices, and burntofferingscould ]lave done it, the shouting and the incense-smol

LABOUR'S WRONGS A ~ DCHAPTER V.THE GOVERNMENTAL BURTHENS OF THE WORKINGCLASS OF THE UNITED RINQDOhf. .IN that interminable torrent of progression in which allthings move man may make attempts to stand still, butall llis efforts will Ire futile. What he coneiders perfectto-day, he is willing to alter a little to-morrow. Tlleomnipresent spirit of Bfotion is within hirn and aro~lndhim ; and, almost without being conscious of it, manmoves along with the rest of things. Although thus perpetriallychanging and making changes, men scarcely everlike these changes when subjected to their influence forthe first time. We become accustomed to go throughlife, as it were, in a kind of jog-trot ; and anything whichtends to accelerate our speed, or make our journey moreeasy and pleasant, is always, at the beginning regardedwith dislike. Afterwards, however, when we have becomehabituated to the new order of things, and are abol~t toimake a further remove, we cling to the last change with asmuch pertinacity as we at first displayed in rejecting it.Although old shoes may fit US easier than nerv ones, weare never thereby prevented from throwing the old asideand obtaining the new; for everything-an institlltion aswell as an article of apparel-must be new before it canbe old.Men have in all ages cried out against changes of everydescriptio~~ ; and if their dolorous prognostications of theevils attendant on changes could lrrtve retarded the marchof events, we should now have been no better than naliedand half-famished savages; for the barbarian, Iike thecivilised man, has the best possihle social system, the bestform of government, and the most rational religiotls belief,that man can i~lstitute or the Creator of man ordain.Since, then, me have progressed thus far, why should wenot take another leap, and make the world all that poetsever dreamed of, or good men ever longed for? Whyshould we not institute a system of action, with regard toeach other, based on those immutable principles of justiceand equality which alone are capable of making man ashappy as he is mighty ? We have seen plainly that, bythe present constitution of society, the millions are adoomed class-that, from the position in which they standwith regard to capital and the capitalist, their conditionis unimprovable and their wrongs irremediable-andthat, as a body, they mill reniain oppressed and impoverished,even if they produce a n~illion of pounds sterlingworth of wealtlt in the place of every thousand which theynow create. The subversion of this unjust system, andthe institutio~l of one more in accodance with the natureand attributes of man, will be anything but difficult ; andwe shoulil be bound to attempt the change, if success \re*only just within the verge of ~ossibility.If the productive classes require a stimulrls to exertionin the noble cause of thcir redemption, let them viewr, sideby side, their governmental and their social burthcnsthoseattributable to monarchy, and those arising fromthat system of inequality of which monarchy is no morethan the impersonation-and it will be seen that theworking classes of the United Kingdom are, by unequalexchanges, annually plundered of the produce of theirlabour to an amount almost incalculable ; and that, so longas this system of unequal exchanges is tolerated, the producerswill be almost as poor and as ignorant and as hardworkedas they are at present, even if every gorernmentdburthen be swept away, and all taxes be abolished.The mere fact that our present social system enableshundreds of thousands of able-bodied men to exist inuselessness, and without returning any equivalent for themany benefits whicl~ they receive, ought to be a sufficientroof to every producer, that the system is a bad one.&he gain of an idle class most necessarily be the loss of anindustrious class : and although the manner in which theformer obtain possession of their wealth may be calledlegal, yet is the transaction nothing less than a robberyupon the working man. It is these idlers only who denythat the producers are plundered. These capitalists and

pmprietors do not attempt to assert that tl~ep live withosteating and drinking, but they gravely affirm that theyhave a just claim upon the worknran for subsistence-thatthey have a perfect right to enjoy life without lallour.They found their claims upon their own assertions, thatthe land belongs to them, the 11011ses belong to themthemachinery and money belong to them--everythingbelongs to them. They tell us, moreover, that there isperfect reciprocity of benefits between the capitalist and theworking man : ant1 that the former is justly entitletl to ashare. -.of the protluce of the latter, in consideration of allowlnghim to make use of those accumulations which thepresent system enables the capitalist to obtain possession of.We have already seen that tlrcsc capitalists and proprietorsnever had, and nevcr can have as intlivitlnals, anyright to the exclt~sive possessior~ of either the land or theaccumulations ;-that the land was never given especiallyto them by the Creator, nor sold to them by him, norgiven to other parties who 11ad power to sell it, or give it,but that it is a gift to all living beings in commorl ; andthat the accumulations nor in existence have been pro.duced by Labour, and to Labour only, therefore, do theyjustly belo~~g, for no erluivalent has the capitalist yetgiven for them. But even if all the land and the machineryand the houses did belong to the capitalists, and theworking class were not in being, the former would not therebybe enabled to evade the great condition "that there shallbe labour." Their wealth would leave them the choiceonly of working or starving. They cannot eat the landand the houses; and the 1;rnd neill not yield sustenance,nor the macllinery make clothing. withont the applicationof human labour. Therefore, when the capitalists andproprietors say that the ~vorliing class must support them,they likewise say, in effect, that the producers belongto then1 as well as the llouses and lantls (lo-that theworking man was created only for the rich man's use !If particolar classes have received a special license fromt11e Almighty, to l~ave and to hold all that is good onearth, and to keep the labourer in eternal bondage, letthem shew the record, ant1 we will speak no more of thewrongs of the working class.Every working man of the United Kingtiom knows andfeels that he is a member of a plundered ant1 degxadedand despised class, but he is ignorant of one half of theburthens which 11e sustains. The greater part of his loadis unseen by him, and it is this circ~lmstance which causeshim to bear his lot so long and so unrepiningly. Tl~eirgovernmental burthens-their enornlous taxes-are believed,by most of his order, to be all that they sustain ;and to get rid of these, they n1ould have a share in thegovernment, through the instrumentality of universal suffrage-orthey mould alter the very form of their gorernment,and exchange an irresponsible Icing or queen for achief magistrate elected by tl1cn1selves. When, l~orrever,the ~orliing class have vienl~d their social as well as theirg~~ernn~ental ~vrongs-when they have compared the drainof the one wit11 thc drain of the other-when they becomeconscious of the i~nmensc amount of \vcaltlt nrl~icli thepresent system enables certai~~ classes of tlie columunity toabstract from them-they will scout the idea of anychange which falls short of the total .subrersion of thissystem and the establisl~ment of one founded on the broadprinciples of justice and equality which ure have beenconsidering.Man has ever yet been the property of man ; anit nomere governmental cl~:inge, if engrafted upon the presentsocial system, will permit him to be otherwise Althnughwe have long thrown away the name and the livery ofslavery, yet are the lvorhing clilsses no less owneti thantheir ancestors were in times of old. They toil, whileothers are idle-they produce, and others consume-theone class order, and the other obey-therefore are the producersstill slaves, in the true sense of the term ; and alikesuffering as tliey suffer, and toiling as they toil, arc theenslaved millions of Iiing-governed Xuropc, and theshadowgraspingmillions ofrepublican America. Whatever else maybe done, tlie principle and practice of slavery can never bedestroyed, nor can Inan become truly free, until labour beuniversal and exchanges equal.There are in the present year A.D. 1838, in the UnitedKingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, about 25,000,000of inhabitants,--men, women, and children. To supportthe general goverrtrnent of the country, pay the interest ofwhat is czlled tl~e " National Debt," aud the numberlesspensions and salaries enjoyed by tliosc who rule us, thereis raised anci espended annudlly about £50,000,000. Of

70 LABOUR'S WRONGS ANDthis vast sum--greater, perhaps, than is received by anyother government in existence-nearly £28,000,000 isrequired for the "interest" of the National Debt-about57,000,000 is taken for the support of an army of 100,000men-~5,000,000 is wanted for the navy and ordnance--and the remainder is s~vallowed up in pensions, salaries,and other expenses connected with that complicatedmachine called monarcllical government. To the£50,000,000 squandered in this manner, by the generalgovernment, must be added tlie many rates ann~~ally raisedfor the support of the local governments connected withcounties, towns, and parishes, and which likewise amountto many millions sterling.The "National Debt"-the interest of wllich forms eoprominent afeature in ourexpenditure-formerly amountedtoabove one thousandmillions of pounds sterling; but isnowrather under eight hundred millions. This enormoussum was partly borrowed, and partly pretended to be borrowed,from certain persons in our own country, by anirresponsible and tyrannical government, for the purposeof carrying on bloody and exterminating wars againstalmost every nation on the face of the earth. The futurewill in vain ask of the past what benefits resulted fromthese wars; but the debt contracted on their account,although pretended to be still in existence, has been paidby the productive classes two or three times over, throughthe medium of what goes by the name of "interest," andby changes in the currency.£.In 16138 this debt was.. ............ 664,263In 1702 ...................... 16,394,702In 1714 ...................... 54,145,363In 1775 ..................... ,128,583,635In 1793 ..................... .239,350,148At the Peace, in 1815 ........ 1,050,000,000We often hear of thegross ignorance and brutality of thepeo le of former ages, and of the spread of true religion inmoc !' ern times. A bloatedand self-appointed hierar~h~weeltlyproclaim tlle moral revolution effected at home and abroadby hosts of priests and missionaries, and daily reiteratetheir calls for contriblltions to carry forward the holywork.But the progress of this national debt, gives tl~e lie directto all these boasted ecclesiastical performances ; and prcrin a voice which pulpit declamation cannot drown,tltat, llowever creeds and dopas ma)- change to suit thespirit of the times, true relieion is as much unknown in thepresent century as it was In the fire-and-faggot times ofPopish persecution. This debt, and the wholesale massacresconnected with it, have steadily kept pace with modernart, and science, and religion; and every engine ofdestruction \vhich ingenuity could invent, has beenemployed by modern Cllristian rulers and defenders of thechurch, in the ancient kingly pastime of extermination.All history tells alilte the sarne tale of liingcraft ancl priestcraft; with which, and the present social system, true religioncan have nothing to do.The ~800,000,000 to \vhich the debt l~as bee11 reduced,is said to be owing, by the natior~ at large, to abont 279,751individuals in various ranks of society, and these personsreceive the annual &28,000,000 of interest amongst them,for which they render no labour whatever.The immense increase which has taken place in this debtin later times, was occasioned,-not by endeavours to repeIaggressions from bands of ruthless invaders-not by exertionsin the cause of civilisation and refinement-not byefforts to conquer tile powers of nature, ant1 make themsubservient to the I~appinesu of man-but by the insaneattempts of a despotic and ignorant British goverr~mentoarrest the march of mind, and Iceel) down the so111 of man,and the rising spirit of liberty. This government, howerer,clesperatcly wicked and brutally depravecl as it was,arose spontaneously from our present social system--oursystem of classes with opposing interests: the atrociousacts perpetrated by this government resulted from its veryconstitution-from the habits, opinions, and position insociety of the men conlposing it; and such detestablecrimes, and the like profligate waste of money, have alwaysresultednnd ever millinvariablyresult from every governmentso constituted-from every government arising from a partinstead of a whole-from every government formed of andby rich men.Tlre truth of this assertion is not disproved by the presentcondition of the people of the United States, whosegovernment 11as not yet committed sucll crimes againstwhole nations-who owe no debt-and who call themselves

Republicans. Their position, and their poverty in regar(1to men and money, have so far saved them. But it hasalready ken shewn, tlrat from the very nature of tllingsthere can llever be a true republic-there can never beequal rights and equal laws-under the present socialaystem. This system itself-whatever may be the form ofgovernment instituted at any pnrticular time-has aninvariable and inevitable tendcncy to generate inequalityof wealth, and therefore every other desrription ofinequality ; and must sooner or later merge all republicsinto monarchies, or rlespotisms of some kind ,as all historyy'roves to 11s. The same mighty principle of evil-inequalityof vrealth in conr~ection with the gradation of classes-haspervaded almost every nation ant1 every form of governmentwhich has existed ; and the same wrongs and miserieshave ultimately befallen the working class untler republicsas under mot~arcl~ies. The United States' government,whatever it may be called, is, like that of Britain, thcgovernment of a class-the government of the men ofmoney; arid there is no flagrant violation of justice-nowanton outrage upon the r~ghts of man-which thatgovernment does not permit to be openly practised, hy itshalf-hatched aristocracy, upon the two millions of enslavetlhuman beings in the republic ; nor does any Europeanwar of aggression-any efirt of a crowned despot to establishman's supremacy over man-offer onc feature ofinjustice or outrage which is not likewise to be beheld inthe United States' war of usurpation and extermitlationagainst the aboriginal inhabitants of that portion ofAmerica.In addition to the vast sums which have been wrungfrom the people of the United Kingdom, and wasted forsuch abominable purposes as the destruction of humanlife and the enslaveme~~t of body and mind, we must takeinto account the blood spilled, the tears shed, the heartsbroken, throughout the enacting of the long and dire tragedy.These form the blackest and the heaviest items inthe account of monarchical misrule. During the lastcentury or two, there have been twenty-four wars betweenEngland and France, twelve between England and Scotland,eight between England and Spain, and sevenbetween England and other natio~rs-in all, fifty-one !The ascertained amount of British money expended, duringtlte last six great wars, is as folloa~s :-LABOUR'S REMEDY. 731. ending 1697, cost ....2. War ending 1712, cost ....3. War ending 1737, cost ....4. War encling 1756, cost ....5. American War, 177.5, cost ..6. War from 3793 to 1815 costThese sums, doubtless, fit11 far short of the actualamount expendetl ; for the real cost of war is unkno~vnmd nnapprrciable. Besides the money tl~os sacrificed,tile number of lrurnan beings that perishe(1 c\urillg four ofthese wars have been thus csti~nated :-J 100,000 s1;rin.War cncling 1697 ..-... 7 80.000 died of famine...................I 'War ending 1756.250,000 slain.War of 1775.200,000 slain.War from 1793 to 1815,. 2,000,000 slain !But these wars l~avcost other nations mucl~, as \veil asthe people of tile United Iiinqdom. The very last longwar, from 1793 to 1815, bcsitles burtheni~~g Britain to the;unount of X850,000,000, cost :-..................................................................££ ..PranceG90,000,000Austria. 220,000,000The other Sates of Ellrope .1,012,000,000The United States of Americtt 27,000,000Forming a total of X2,GS9,000,000--all ~vasted-all worsethan wasted-by men calling tlremselres Cl~ristialls, for thel~~rposeofpl~~nderingaod destroyinpotllcr Cl~risti;ms! Thesevast numbers slain, ant1 this inlrner~se ;\nlount of money lost,includes only thc figllting men, and tile snrns spent by theseveral governments engaged. The more innocent victims ofthe demoniac spirit of inequality-the fathers, ant1 mothers,and cliildren, amongst the people of the several countries,who perished by violence, and the misery and want inst..parable from war-are not placed in the accol~nt. Theirruined homes, and plunilereil wealth, and bliglrted happiness,count as notl~ing in tile cost, wlletl despotism estimntesits losses !Althougl~ most of these wars and crimes and losses may

e ascribed to the existence of the rnonarcllical form ofgovcrnment, with its irresponsibility and its NrigIltdivine," it mllst never be forgotten, when lve enumerateour wrrongs and look for remedies, that the monarchicalform is the natural and spontaneous prorluction of tl~epresent social system; antl that, thcrefcre, this form cannever be permanently altered, nor the miseries and wrongsml~icli flow from it be escapctl from, unless the parent antltl~cause-the system-be itself change(]. Were all Europeto be revolutioniseil and rep~tblicanised to-morrow, and anabsolute ec~uality of mere governmental power to beestablished amorlgst the people of tlle several States, sucl~equality ~vould totally tlisalq)e:u. hcfore the end of twentyyears. Society at large is tl~oro~~gl~ly i~nl)u&l nit11 thc rampantspirit of ineq~rality and cscl~lsi\~cncss-i~~cq~~ality al~dexclusivcncss in respect to ~vorldly conilition,nntl etlucation,and caste-ant1 this incqu:~lity and cscl~lsivcncss \r.ouldspcc(li1y generate institutions agreeable to their own r~nture,and tlcstructive of any political eq~lality \~,hicli miglit beestablishetl. History gives us ten tllo~~sand damning proofsof the inherent corruption of the system of inequality, inthe ultinlate subversion of all just governmentalinstitutions.Tile capitalists and economists tell us that the enormoustaxes required to support our government fnll alike upona!l classes of the con~rnunity-upon the real thy itller aswell as upon the indtistrious procl~~cer-and that, in fact,the riel1 capitalist pays a niucl~ greater amount than theworliing man. If tve lool

tllosc classes of lvbicl the \vorlc:tr to ]lave no idea t11at the world can go,in after times, any \tray tIiffercnt to what it went at the1)rccisc time they existed. l'11c past is a blank to tltem,

78 LABOUR'S TVRONGS ANDand therefore tile future is as a sesled boo]

CIIAPTER VI.THE SOCIAL I3URTIIENS OF TIIE JVORICING CLASS OFTIIE UNITED I

62 LAI~OUR'S WRONGS ANDfor thousalltls of able-boilietl met1 ill Great Britain arecolllpclle(l to stand idle while tile \vorlr \vllic}l tlley ollghtto do is being ~)crfortnetl ' 3 lvomelt ~ and cllil(lren ; andhon(Irc(1s of tllousands of men in Ireland can ol)tain noemployment v~hatever. Tltr~s less titan five nliljions ofmeu, assistetl IJY a f~\v thousands of women ant1 children,hare not only to create protl~tce for the cons~~mption oftl~cmselves and fan~ilics, but liliervise for tile lvltole mass ofwilling ant1 un~villing itllers, an(\ unprofital)le labo~~rers ofevery tfcscription, :~ntou~ltingthe aggregate to twentyfivemillions of Il~~n~an beings.If we \c-cro witl~ollthe vast :tccritn~~lations of macllir~er~of various ltit~ds which I\-c possess, society wortltl not bein the state in which it now is. There ~voultl ncitl~cr I)cso ntany riclt nor so nl;lny poor: for thc present nlttrtbcrof ivorliing tncn, if ~lr~assistcd by tt~acl~it~ery, coultl ]lotsupport ~IIC~SC~VCS and the prcs(l11t n~~nihcr of itllcrs andunl~rofitahle l;lhol~rcrs in the nranncr in \vlticl~ all arc nowsup~~)rt(:(J. 'l'J~c ;igric~~lt~~r:~l at)11 ~t):~~~~~f;ict~lrir]~milchineryof every lii~ld \~rlticll\re bri~~g to our aid in tI~ehusiness of production, has bee11 cotrrpr~tctl to pcrfortn the1;ibour of allout one hundrcti ntillions of efkctivc Inen. Itis this giant auxiliary that has assistctl 11s to repair thevast losses whicl~ nrc 11:tve sulfcrcct by the \vastefr~l antlal~nost incessant wars in arl~icl~ arc I~ave bee11 engaged : itis this mighty power \vhicIr en:lbles the productive classesof Rritaia to create :in :m~o~~nt of r,c:dtb adeqllate to sup- ,port tlre cnorlnous drain which is perpetually tnkil~g placeupon them : it is this gigantic ir~str~lrnertt of good or evil-this tnacltincry-ancl its aj)pliciltion untler the presentsystem, which has generatetl the l~u~ttlreds of tlrousantls ofitllers ant1 livers on profit \vho now press the working classinto the earth.Thus nlachinery contains within itself both x bane andan antidote ; for ~vhile it has, nlore tllan any otller thing,been a means of bringing about the present social crisis, ithas at the same time opened a pat11 by which everyiniioretl ant1 everr tl~reatcnetl evil may be escapetl from.The present constitutio~~ of society has been fertilizetl bymachinery, antl by 1nac11ine.r~ will it be destroyed. Thestcan]-engine, altltouglt it creates \realth, has nothing todo mith tlte application or approl~riation of it ; and whateverInay be the ineclunlity of cotitlition and the sufferinggenerated by the operation of this great poirer, tllc poweritself is not accor~ntable for sucll things, and its destructiotlwoulil not be the true remedy. 'I'l~e lu:~chioery itselfis good-is indispensable ; it is tile application of it-thecircumstance of its being possessed by itrdiriduds insteadof by the nation-that 1s bad. So long as niacl~i~lery isthus exclnsively possessed by individuals anrl classes, itsadvantages will be partially enjoyetl-it \rill be a curserather than a blessing to tllosc classes of the cclmmutiitybv wltom it is not ~~ossessetl ; for it dooms them to be the-Jslaves ant1 tlte pref of their fcllo\rs.It is the grc;it ob.ject of tn:ln, ill all states of society, toobtxin the grcatcst possible nul~o~u~t of et~joymcut wit11 theleast possiblc. pain :~nd l;~\)our to I~itiiscll'; il~~devcrytlti~~~\rllicl~ helps l ~in~ to attail1 tl~is ettrl, IIIIIS~ of itself I)c gootl.Of all tltc :~ssisti~nts, IIC)\~CVCT, \~llic11 IIIII~~;III inge1111ity hilsyet called into existence, none arc so i~r~lortast ;IS tltosacontriv;~nccs \vl~it:l~ coml)eI [ire ;~nd\v:~tcr, ant\ \roocl ;i11(1iron, to (lo tl~c \~orli of Itr1111:ln 1)o11cs :11111 II~IISC~~\S. Thepresent porcbrty of the ~vorl;ing ebss arises, not from thefact t11:~t tlteir Ial~our is s~t~crsedetl 1,y macl~incry, butfrom the circ~lnrstat~ce tllat t~early tl~c wllule of tlrc n'ealtllcreated by the n~achincry is swnllo\rcd up by the mpaciousnristocr;~cy of the hall p:trlo~~r ;~ud the mill counting-I~onse.The five nrillions of men already enu~ncrated as assistingin production, \vill include all wl~o labour little or nruc11-the actual distributors as well as the procluccrs-:ill thosewho can be said to yield society any equivalent for thebenefits they receive. Some of tlrese persons do not worlctive hours a day, while otl~ers, again, toil on for fifteenIlorirs ; and wlten to this is ailded the time lost by theconlp~llsory idleness of gre:~t nu~nbcrs in times of depressionin trade, it will be found that our ar~n~~al prodl~ctiot~is created antl distributed by less tl1~11 one-tiftl~ of thecomm~unity,I I working, on the average, ten hours a d:y.Illus it appears that tltere are nearly one nill lion ofable-bodied men who do nothing to\vards the pror111ctio11 orproper distributiot~ of wealth,-comprising lnnded proprietors,large c;~pitalists, soldiers, &c. But if me supposethat the wealtl~y non-prodnccrs of every description, wit11their families, and dependents, amount only to taro millionsof persons, yet this number alone \vould cost the

working classes f30,000,000 nnnr~ally, if tlreir mainten-:~nce\r7cre averaged, lilLc that of the latter, at £15 perI~catl. But it so happens, that the great botlv of tl~csc~~on-~)rod~lcers belong to rrllat is tenned the '. ir~de~el~dent"onler-that t l ~ \vaste, y or colis~rme tmprofitiibl): a greatpart of the ~on\~cnienccs and tre;vly all the Iasurics \~hicl~the toils of the ~rorliing cl:~sscs llro(lac.e; tlrereforc, upor,the most moderate cornput;~tiotr their rnair~tcrt:incc rt9illcost not less than £50 per Ircnd. Tlris gives n tot;~l of~100,000,000 ;is the anr~ltal cost of tlre tnrrc tlrones ofsociety-tlre utterly nnl)rotluctivc, ant1 \tortlrlcss, eitl~crin res11cc.t to orrr:itrterrt or IISC !It is it1 this manner, ar~tl on t11i.i prinril,lc, th:~t tl~l*ivo!.liing cl;~sl)ui;ltion--nbsorbn))out &300,000,000 ~nnuall!~, or allove one-Ilalf of tile elltire \pealtI~ I)ro[lu~cd! This is tllc gret~t \rrollg-ilLis is the evil for 1, llicll the \rrorhing clits~es iIrallt Llremctly-tlLis is tlrc secret encrny t11:rt devo~~rs them.111 tilc rnriolls snllls ;~lld tr~~t~~bers 11ere ~ll~llti~ll~l~, IlOI!e;,re sllI>I)O~C(I to 1111 pr~cibely correct, for \re ilave fc\i diifi!,csccpt t)losc f,lrliisllctl 1)). oi~scrvi~tio~~ iurtl esl~i~ricr~cc,fro^^^ ~ilriclr c:~lrltl:~tiot~s C;~II Ire n~ildc. AS il \I IIO~C, tlrcy111:ry be grc;ltcr or Icsj ; 1)11t, as lr:~rts, tl~cy n.il1 hear :1bo11ttI~e same nr,ltu;1I relati011 ;is is Irere assigned tlrcm. Tl~eyare but esaunl)l~s of tlie 11 orliit~g of the prcscut systen~ ofunerl11:~l cxc1~i~nges, i~n(l s11e\v tile ~ tter irrlltility of simplt:governnlellt;ll cll;illges ill nllc\i;lti~rg 1rr1rtlreus inscl,:lrabIyconuectcd \r.ith tile social sybte~n. The present nrrallgemeutsof society, tlrereforc, it is plaiidy seen, cost tl~e \rorltingclasses, in taxes to gc~re~.nmcnt and in rent and profit to~woprietors nntl capitalists, tlrc enortnous annual sum of&300,000,000 sterling, \rhic.lr is an average loss of above£50 per he;lc\ to every \rorhing nun in the e~npire !-'Illisleaves no more tlra~i i~n aver;ig:-e of aborlt $11 per Ilearl per;Innurn, to be divided amongst tlre ren~nining three-fourtl~sof the nation. From calcrllrltiolla made in 1815, it aplrewstlrat tllc asnoid iacotoe of tlre \vl~ole people of theUnited I

LABOCIL'S REMEDY. 67ready seen, from a consitlelxtion of the conditions connectc(lwith tllese possessioss, that tI~e capit;tiists m(1 proprietors,as sllcll, h:ive 110 clai111 to thcln-th;ct they never I)ro(luccdeitller the lands or the houses, nor gave any real eclrlivalentfor tlwtn-but that these ~~ossessions trr~lp ant1 justlybelong to the nation as a whole. Notmitllst:~nding, I~owever,the gross wrong conlniittetl 1111011 the productiveclasses, the capitalists alltl 1)roprictors 11:lvc hitlrcrto receivedthis nioncy almost ~lnq~lcstionetl. J3ut it has 11ecn perceivedby them, that the 1)resent fr:tutlule~rt system coultl~ ~ al~rlays o t go on unesau~i~~e~l-th:~t tl~c insuffer:tblc t~urtl~enss~~stai~~ed by tlre ~~'orjiit~g ~RSS JVOIII(I I)c certiii~~,sootler, or l:ttcr, to incite tl~cln to illcluirc ti1l1:~t bcc:une ofthe vast amount of ~r~caltl~ ;~nrt~~:tlly tlri~rr711 fro111 tl~cm-:tnd t11:tt tl~cy \vot~ld set ubottt cloisir~g rc~nctlics. Tltccapitalist, tl~creforc, and the livers on re111 anti profiteverre;tdy to escuse tllcir rapacity, and m;~intain tllenlhelvesin n,ealtl~ at~tl itllcncss at tl~c.ultcnsc of tltc rvorlii~~g(:lass--llavc cntlenvoure(1 to rcndcr to the latter an accountof their stewartlship, that the plundcretl lnigl~t not tro~lblethem~elves by inquiring into the sul~ject. To this end,they tell us t11:tt it is !~ttcrlp in~possible for any int1ividu;~lto consume E10,000 or C20,000 a year; and tllst of thesum so re(-eived I)y any itllcr, il very srnall portion olily isconsl~rnetl by hitnself a ~ ~ fiirnily-tlre d rcn~;~inder beingemployetl in settirlg 1al)our in nlotion, :tnd thrls assistingin further production ; so that, in rc;ility, the ricl~ and idlectpitalist ant/ propvictor are of grcat /)enelit to society,because tlrcy fulfil the tluties of distributors! T~IIIS, theatlvocatcs for esorbitant individual 1vcalt11 :~ld il1~~~11Rlit~of condition entlcavour to mnl;e it appear, that the act~lalloss to the ~rorliing plrt of the comm~~r~ity, ljv these richidlers, is only jnst so niuch as tlle indivitlualk themselvesconsume-not the ~~~liole of £20,000 a11icl1 they yearlyreceive and sperld. Admitting this to be tl~e c:tsc, the lossto the \!.orking class will still a~nou~lt annually to the£100,000,000 before stated; for the loss is occasio~letl bythe unprofitable employment nut1 the ~vaste of labourwhich these idlers cause, as \veil as by their mere m iunterl- 'ance. The man of f20,000 a year will lice11 his servants,horses, dogs, and other incornhrances. none of rvhicltalthougl~all of them rnsy u,orb-yieltl ally actual serviceto tllc comrnu~~ity at large: they ;\re not engaged in thcbusilless of procluction, nor arc they advallcing, iu all).J~RJT, the illterests of society : they give no protitable labourin eXch;~ngc for the maintenance tl~ey receive; ant1tllereforc their consrltn~)tion, as \re11 ;IS that of their employer,the itllcr, is a tleacl loss to the producing community.There are many, even amongst the ~rorlii~~g class, whostill tl~inlc, as they havc been taught to tl~i~~li, that theserc i~~(l~~)~~tlent" itllcrs are n great blessing to the conlmunity." Loolc," cry tl~ese belriglltetl men, " how liorti So.nntl-so sl)ell(ls his money ! See what n~~~nbers of servants,:rntl Ilorses, and (logs 11e ltceps, anti I~ow gootl it ~nnkcstr;lclc ! Were it not for such as him, poor folks like usworlltl starve !" It is sicltenillg ant1 11iti;tble to I~enr suche~~I:~~~~:~tions:IS tltcsc COIIIC fron~ the ~ery s;11ne desl~ised;in(l nl)l)rwS~l 1,cings fro111 ~vhoru tl~e morlcy 1'i.iIS origin;~llytalic~l !-wlto tlltls manifest iul :tlmost itliotic joy at bcl~oltlillfia wl~olcs;Je I)lurldcrc,r sc~~utntlcr :ln.;ly /heir money !-money protl~lccd by their toil ;~utl depriv:~tio~l !It is \\rell that we itre no longer iglloraut tllilt Labour isthe creator of all wealth, or me n~igl~t srlppose tlrat thevast sttnls a11nua11y received by capitalists u~id landed pro-I)rietors n.cre pait1 by their tenants, because the moneycolrlcs di~.ectly from them. But tllese tenants do not inrenlitv pnv the rent, for they Iny the nrl~ole of it 11po11their 'proti~icc. Tl~e consulners of the produce then np-I'ear to p:~y it ; but ;dl those consumers who belong to thetrading classes corer themselves by placing a certain profit11poll the :trticlcs in rvllicl~ they (Id. 'Thus the charge isperpetually sl~iftetl from one class to the cl:~ss in~mediatelybelo~i~ it, until, at lengtl~, its whole nccun~r~l;~tetl \veight restssolely upon tl~e ~rorking class. Witl~out labour there canbe no prodnction--no rent-and the rent or 1)rofit receivetlby any proprietor or capitalist, is but the representativeof so much protluce ant1 so 1nuc11 Ii~bo~~r.As it has been before observed, the preserrt system of111iequal escl~anges origiually created, and 11ow maintains,this gradation of clnsses-this division of society into aclass to pay rent, and a class to receive and enjoy it ; andthere will always be a class of workers ant1 a class of idlers,and the gaiu of the last mill always be the loss of the first,so long ;LS Inen tl111s escl~ange l~neqnally wit11 each other.There never can, from the very nntnre of things, be equalrights and equal laws ill n stirte of tl~ings like this; for the

very spirit of ineqllality ~ L Ii~ljlrsticeI ~ exists ill every institutioll~ l governs d every tl*.~rrs;~t:tion. Un(ler preserltarr;tngclncnts, every thing goes from the creator of ~ ~ ~ a l t ] ~--tile \vorlcing mall--step bv step, a ~ paying ~ d tri])llte toevery otilcr chiss, until it ariives ill tllc sllape of &m,000a year at some capitalist or ~)ro~)rictor-who taltes tllisInoney, not ill c~cl~:trlgc for his laborlr-not ill e.~chnngefir a~rytlrin~-b~~t it ib given to lrim beearise tlle i~sags ofsociety, \\ithoot tl~c least slradow of reason or justice, Ilarreort1;iinetl that it sl~allje SO !SO otl~cr tlliii~ tlie liresent sociill system coultl by any1wssil)ility crcatc and ~)er~~etu;ttc tlrc gross ir~justicc 1v11icl1is now i~~liictccl upon tlre great botly of csclrarrgers-tl~cworl~iirg c1,iss. 'I'ircy arc pl~i~~tlcretl on ;111 sitlcs, i~rrtl preye(1II~)O!I 11y 211 other classes. T11cy form, lilic tlreir 1);trcnte;irtl~, a conlnlorl pasture-gro~ulrl, or, ~rl~iclr all crnu lingil~ltl crecltil~g tlrings may feet1 ;tntl fatten.Nothirlg I~ut a total cllangc of systcl~l-:HI cc111:1lising oflul~ollr ar~(l escl~arrgcs-car1 :titer this st:tte of things forthe better, and ~IISII~C IIIC~I a true eqrlality of rigl~ts. 'i'liescesam])lcs of the \vorl,ing of the ],resent system maylilelrrisc serve to explain the nlallncr in 11 l~iclr tl~c systcr~lcjught to \vork. For i~rstancc-tl~c f20,000 received byally proprietor or c;ipitalist, for rent or interest, is a ],artof the s111.plus of protluction over consumptio~~-it is asso muclr clear profit, to be enjoyed by man as a rcrvard forhis toil. 111 the case of the landed proprietor, the partiesIllore in>ntet!iately concerned in the prodrrction of the;E20,000 rent-;tlthouglr the working nicn of all de~romi,atio ions intlirectly contril~ute to it- re, first of :ill, thelabourers of tire Prlrmer, wlro receive an annual £20 or 230for their labour of ten or twelve lio~rrs ;~-tli~y; the11 cometlre farmers, eacl~ of ~rl~o~n, pcrlr;ll)s, clears f200 a-yearfor 11is I;~bour of six llours 21 tl;ty ; :rnd the landholder receivesthe &20,000 a-year for IIO labour ivhatever. Itmatters not how many ~vorbing men Inay assist in cre:~tingthis SII~I-it stands Xpitrt from them, and is not enjoyetlby them ; but were the two great I:ta,s of universal labourand equal eschnngcs in force, this f20,OUO of rent or profitwould be, as it ought to be, equally divitleil amongst andenjoyetl by the partics assistir~g in its production. Thet\velve hours of tl~c one portion, and the six hours of theuther, and the perfect itlleness of the last, w-oultl, if thusequdized, inflict Liot very ninr1cr:itc labour upon all concerlletl;\rrlli\p tllc v;rrious rrlliis of230, 8200, autl 8%),oOC),if liltc\\risc c,lll:~]]y dii,itlet\-;is tllcy u.urrlt1 be by a system ofcqli:Ll escll:~l~~s--~vould at once place the worlii~~g man intllat iind afford l~im all tliose ialv;i~~trgcs, to wL~icliIle is so justly entitled by his 1abo11r ant1 his useful~~css.TIlc same injustice wbicli is inliictetl IIIIOII the ngricultllral];tbourcrs by the present system, is sutyeretl, like\vise,by tlic ~vorliing nren of :dl tr;sles. The 1ubol1r in all is tl~rrsu~~e(~ml, ant1 tl~c rcnu~neration is tli~rs ur~ccl~~;ll. The gainof tllc c1;lss of c;cpit;llists ;und c1l11)loycrs is always the lossof tlrc \vorl

he diminished. As for the labour, it is witllit~ tl~e honesar~d sinews of the protluccrs. 'I'llus all the materials ofsucccss are in csistcnce, and it will only require a properconlhination ant1 organizatio!~ of the power whicll t11e productiveclasses possess, to effect all that the heart of mancan lvish for. Surely the sufferings and the nrrongs enduredby the ~rorliing nlan for four thousand years, underall systems of religion and all forrns of government, ~villhave taught him that no mere govcmn~ental cl~ang cangive him that equality of rights a~ld cnjoy~ne~~ts mhicl~ unfetteredjustice \vould awrard to Ili~n. No sl~ch cl~angcs ~villI~are tlre power to exalt tlie producers ;~bove their present(legraclcrl level, for tlre?~ cnn hue no efccl rrpoa thcirpositio~~willl rcspccl lo olhcr c/asses. 'l'ilcy will still be themere footstool-still the dregs of socicty-to be tl~rowt~aside, a11d left to rot, wllcn tlleir usefulness 11as passet1away. Such has ever been the fate of the worlimen's order,and such it alnlays must be, so long as society is dividedinto employers and employed-and the last are placed, bytheir position, at the mercy of the first.It is only by acting upon those principles of justice andequality which we have been considering, that man can doaway with all tyranny, all poverty, anrl a11 wrong. Noother than these principles are capable of uniting familiesand nations into one vast fraternity; for, from their nature,they strike at once at dl that has 11ithel.to made men disunited-lnequnlityof Labour-Inequality of Wealth- ,Inequality of Power.Wc have now viewed, side by sitle, our governmentaland our social wrongs- we have 11laced in different scalesthose I~urtl~ens imposed upon the protluctive classes by amonarcl~ical form of government, and those which owetheir origin to the prcscnt social systcm, of ~vl~ich monarchyand aristocr:~cy arc no more than 11aturaI off-shoots.A further consitleratiorr of the case will convince us, thatthe remedy for the greatel* evil mny be just ;is easily ohtainedas the remedy for the Icast ; ~vl~ile, in respect tothe advantages to be ilerivcd from cacl~, there can be nocomparison.Having thus probed the evil to its core, urllo can be sur-prised at thc discontentment of the toiling millions ? Whowill start at their fierce and deep-breathetl i~nprccations ona system which yearly plunders them of wealth of the valueof tllree Ilundrc[l n~illions of pounds sterling-a system,,rllicll compels tlleln to prodl~cc this v;at alnount for theenjoymellt of tllosc ~ ~11s trc:it ti~c~il ~vitl~ dcrisios an11 Conte]nl)t? Slldl tile \rorlring 111:ln eierhstil~gl y toil ill,d s\\'ent,be for ever tlllls plunctrretl, ant1 degmtled, and tram-( p ? Is it to 1xunpw tile eslioll~ pride of those \vlrothus n))usc him, that the infitncy of his little Ones is Searedand bligllte(i ami(l the fo~d ;tsd stcanly air of cotton nlillsanti f;Lctories ?-tllat his O\VII nia1111ood is bo\~~'etl d0\\711tile prclaatllre age llro(ll~ccrl by excessive toil ? Shall hismnll)laillts 1 , ~ a11i;ll.s 1111s11c(l 1)). the roaring of :lrtillery-])is in(iigllallt 11e;~rt stilletl 1)). tllc thrust of tllc bayollcthisopbr;lidis~~s 9 stiflv(1 ~ I I ~IIII~C~IIS ? If 11c \\r~~~l(l II~LVCt l ~ i to ~ ~ COII~IIIIIV g ~ ~~IIIS, let 1li111 still go (111, :IS IIC II:IS llcretofor(:tlollc, tlrivclling ;lntl tlrcnlni~rg of relic[ fro111 Icgisliltorsand gorcr~~i~~eats-fro~~~ cl;~sscs ;111rl cades, rrll?, dcrivingtl~eir \re;rltl~;1n(l tl~eir sullrelnncy from his ty11 i11dabnscmcnt, know l~illl only :ls :L bon(\111:r11 or an inferlor.If the morlting nr;u~ rvoultl cl~;ln~c this stutc of tl~ings, Ilemust looli IIO longer to me^-e e/li.cls--11e must at once destroythe enuscfron~ wliiell liis sutkri~igs arise. Eqeal rightsand eq~lal 1as.s cilnnat, fronr the satere of thi~:gs, exist inconnection w~itli unequal duties, uncqual.cvealt11, and unequalexcl~nngcs. It is not n form of govcrnmc11t which the \vorliin*9 class rntlst blame for tl~c~r \vrongs, but the system ofsoclcty from rvbich that form springs-it is not theiroppressors and n111rderers rvllom tl~ey nn~st curse, for it isthe system wl~icll mali~s tlle~ll oppressors and murderersitis not tl~e riclt and the grasping capit:rlist wllom tl~eymust nbuse aud ~)crsccutc for their ~loverty, l11t they m\~stalter the syste~n wl~iclr m;~l;cs one man ric11 and anotllerman poor.Wllcll our gorcrnmc~itnl ant1 our social burtlle~ls aretl111s sc1,ar;ttcly ex:unli~lctl, 11on. i~lsi~uilicnnt apl"xrs the~ncrely tno~~ct;try snvi~~g wllici~ ;r cll;ulgc in the form of ourgover~~ment \sill en;lble o5 to ellbet, w11cn co~npnrcd wit11that wlricll a c1t;lngc in our social system n~ill produce.Even admitting that its cost m;~y be greatly lessenet~, nfhat\pill it rnattcr to the u,orl.ing n~an holv m11cl1 is saved inthe expense of government, if 11c l~nve not the enjpymcntof such snvinc? Lint\ it has been provetl, upon prlllclpl~s . .umllicll cannot be controvertctl, that his very position 111society debars 11im from receiving mucll, if ally, relief from

educed taxation. Tl~e \re;iltll \vl~icli tlle worliing classwould create. i~nd tile portior~ of it wllieh tlley ivouldenjoy, wo~ild not be affcctctl by changes in government-it~vooltl still l~e determined by c:ulses, ant1 be dc~,cndent oncl;isscs, tlst no political i)oirrer wo~lld ellable tl~c pmducerof it to control.Let tl~c n,orliing cl~~sscs of the United Kingdom, then, ifthcy call, 11esit:lte to decitle bctn.ce~i two rcn~cdies-asocial ant1 n governmcr~tnl rcn~ctly-the OII~ of ~rrl~ich \,,illsave tllem L300,000,000 millions a yciir, ant1 rnablc tl~cmto protll~cc cvcrytl~i~~g they war~t 1)y tllc labor~r of six orctigl~t ho11t.s a (lay; \vlrilc tl~c otl~cr, if c:~rrietl to itsutmost extent-tllc s11l)vcrsion of the ~no~~;~rclty ant1 tllcirlstit~ltio~l of :r rep~~l)lic-ca~~ilot, from the vcry constitutiorlUS society, wve l/1e712 ever1 t\\,e~lty lnillio~~s ;L ye;Lr, irntl, will conipel them to toil on, ill utter 1lo~)elcs~ncss i111tlpoverty, until tllc race of Inan bccon~es extinct. A changeof the soci:tl system nrill be a perspective as well as a.resent atlvant:~ge. It will affect :dl future generations ofinen as a-ell as ourselves ; and all tlie benefits which ureshall tlerivc from such cllange nrill increase, instead of substractiugfrom, the enjoyments of tl~ose wl~o come after us.A system bascd upon the laws of Universal Labour antlEqual Eschangcs can alone (lo all men justice, and makesociety truly "a statc prcsentir~g an uninterru1)ted successionof advantazcs for nlt its metnbers."'' He wlro l:;h \\life and child, I~atli given l~ost:~ges toFortur~c;" and ougl~t not Fortune, lilcc~visc, to give l~imhostages? Tllc toils of the past and the 1)rescnt shouldal\vays secure to the worltirrg mati antl his f~rnrily theenjoytnel~t of tile future. I3ut the j)rcscl~t systcrn offersthe wor~r-out \rrorlioian no enjoyment-ncd no allcviatiorlof unmeritccl clistress arltl poverty, except in conr~cctionwith tlcgratliction ant1 I~ardsl~il). rinil, again, what liintl ofit \r,elcolne and n sllelter tlocs society at 1:trgc now offerto the \\rife ant1 the clliltlren of tlte cspirirrg \~.~~lii~l~nun-to those for n,lloni he has 1vo1.11 out 11is strength inl~nre~nitting toil ? Konc. Tliey na~~tlcr over tlie cart11iIS 1)00r and ~~ennplcss beggars, or, lilie criminals, they ;Irecontinct1 in 1);tuper priso~ls. The n~otlrer becomes separatedfrom tl~c cltiltlrcn, alld the cl~il(lrcn arc partetl f1.on1caclr otl~cr-tl~c cl~ortls n11icl1 I)ountl tlrcir you~~glieartstogether are snapped as~u~tlcr for ever-and tlley wantlero\rcr tile f,lce tile cart11 l~otneless and friendless, despisedcllslavetl because tlle~ are ignor:ll~t, and disregardedalld ill-trcatcil becallse tlley ;we par. 1s it to be lvontlerctlat tfl;,t tllesr Un[21vom.;lI,lc cjr~urnst;triccs sllolll(1 110 their,rorlidt]lat misery 2nd lro~tit~~tion is the ])ortion of theone and the trnnsport-slrip or the g;lIloiVS the fittc oftile ot]lcr ! Even tllc s111all a~ltl miserable pittallce \rrllicllgrincling cnl,ita] tired Labour and oi~protectedcllil(llloo(l still to cnjoy, by means of 1rll;lt n3.c termed.' poor-l;lers,~~ will sllurt/y be nitl~l~cld. Tllese miscr:~bIesu\)stitlltcs for jllsticc, incflicir~~t ;utd almost \vortllless astllcy \trill sooll exist only irr 11al11c; for it IliIs hennclitlon,letlgctl by tllosc wIlo 11l.i11Ii 111) tlle life-ll100d OFtflc \r.c)rliiug c.lil.;s, ;lll(] i1.110 ;1rc 110)1' ~~])~l.illlL'lltilt~ ;1S tOtl~e lc>1t~t11 11 llicll ~IIIIII:LII ~~11~111ri11icc of oppressio11 I ~ Igo,Itl)at ljoor-l:r~\7s" :t great ;t11(1 growil~g i~vi1, 1vltici1 ~iltlstI)y son~e IIIC;IIIS 1)e got rid of.Lool; tllc prcsclrt soci;tI S~S~CIII 011 ~vl~:~t~ver side andin n,hntcvcr liglit \\'c may, n.c bcholtl 1)11t OIIC colnl)nct massof tleforlnity ;ind tlcl~r:l;ity. If Tyr,ln~ly \\70111d revel inthe wenltl~ of one people and the blootl of anotlrer, tlicn isthis the yroper system for Tyr;ln~iy: if Pricstcr;tft \vouldenslave ant1 stultify the liumnn xnintl, ant1 manufacturesoullcrs tools for (Icspotism, tllen is this the proper systemfor I'riestcraft : if tl~e cornn~ission of crime, all(\ the practiccof rice, ant1 thc ~r~astc of labour, be the cllief ends for~vhich men unite in society, t!~cn is this n p;.oper socialsystem !It is for all men anrl all nations to c1eclarc !rllctllertyranny and priestcmft, robl~ery and ignora~lce, l~ll0lc~iIlCil~urtler ant1 intcllcctual tlel~ri~vntion, s11:ill any longer reigntriumpl~ant over trrttll ant1 justice. Tllc question will infutrlre be tleter~nincd lleitl~er I)y despotisn~ nor its twinbrotl~er.The &300,000,000 \rl~iclt tllc wor1,illg classesannually lose by this system, vast as is the amount, is theleast part of their loss ; for they are lilie~rise ~)lrlnileredof all those high cn,joyme~its 1~11icl1 alone and exclusivelymal;e existence to be brute or hunlsn.Thus, ~vllctller n.e rcgnrtl a govern~nent;ll change andthe establishment of political eql~nlity eitller as a means oras an end-as a step whereby to ol~tnin tl~e gootl we seekfor, or as constit~~ting of itself the actu:d good-bothreason and experience join iu sl~cwing 11s tlle utter worth-

lessness of all such cllanges, either as means or as ell(ls.Reason tells us t!~at there is no cure for an effect n.llile thecause is left untoucll~d. Espcricnce points to tIlc Unite(]States' republic-\r.l~icl~ is politically all tl~at we Ileretoforeclesired, and more tllan me have ever llopcd toobtain-and \re I)ellold there the imperious tyrant tllcchained sl:~vc-tllc moneyed monarch and tlle famisIlctIbegg~r-the banlcr~~l)t c~pitiilist and tlle uneml,loyrfIworking man :-we behold, in fiict, emrg tvrong alld everymisery ;inti cvery vice wit11 wl~icl~ nrc are fmniliar here.As an ell(!, then, ~)olitical cqliality is tllcrc a f;~ilure-asl~ado\v, coltl, cheerless, and unsubstantial ;IS tllc nortllcrtlmeteors to t11c freczi~lg tr;~vcllcr. As ;I means, ;llso, it istlrere a fi~ilnrc, as pcrccptil~lc ant1 as 1)rox'cd its that txllo ancltl~rcc :ire not six; for tlre politicid power of tlrc worltil~gclasses of t11c Ul~itctl Sttttcs is, of itself, as incolnpetcnt toeffect their ddiverancc fronl tllc soci;ll wrongs they cndurcin cornlnon wit11 us, :ls \ro~~ltl I)c a wooden file to cut allraythe fetters from their Etl~i~l)iil~~ fellow-slaves. Tile worlcir!gclasses of all nations suffer a common wrong, and thegrequire a conlmon remedy. That rcnleily is not merelythe possession of political pourer, as political power now is-that remedy is not lnorality, as morality now is-thatremedy is not religion, as rcligioll now is-but it is :Lremedy which can be derived only from the establishmc~~tof FIRST PRINCIPLES.CHAPTER VII.THE INUTIr.ITY OF TIIE REJIEDIES AT PRESGSTCOSTEKDED FOR.Trrr. I)rcccding cl~nl,tcrs l~avc bccn devoted :ilnlostcsclllsivcly to col~sicLcr;ltion of the W ~ O I ~ cudurcd ~ S bytllc l)rod~~ctirc classes of tlle Unitctl I

dependency it follons, th:lt he wllo has not laboure(1, alld~110 will not 1;ib011r, cnn~lot be an excllanmer, for Ire canItarc notlling to ercllonge, tliere beitlg nt)tl~ls~ 9 c~cl~illlffablel ~ labour, t or tl~e prod~lce of JaI~our. To make tillsprinciple of cscllange subservient to the intention ofsociety and the h;ippirlcss of man, esclla~lges m~lst alrr.aYsbe cqual, or the pin of one man will ever be the loss ofanotl~cr. A consideration of the sul)jcct of exchallge;llas sl~elrn us, that inccln;ility of excl~anges, and not incclu;tlityof politic;rl power, gencrittes il~equdit~ of condition,:111d the gri\d;itio~~ of C~~SSCS, and divitlcs society intorich :~ntl poor; ar~tl th:rt, so long as tl~crc are u~lcqu;tleltcl~nr~gcs amotrgst mcu, tl~crc must be itllcrs antl l;~l~oul.-ers-tlrerc lrlllst I)c rich wnd poor-as tile 1)overty of thelast is a ncccsbary collsecjllcncc of the \i.caltl~ of tl~c first.RTc have seen, lilicwisc, that inec1u;tlity of contlition, ant1the division of society into capitt~lists ant1 ~)rodr;ce~~s-intoemployers antl etnl)loyed--leaves tl~c litst cli~ss cntircly atthe nlercy of tllr first ;--that such tlcpentlcncc ncccssnri1ydooms thc ~vorliil~g class, no matter \i hat may be theirintelligence or their morality, to a state of hol~elcs slaveryto other cl;!sscs, and ltecps tllcm in perpetual poverty ortlre fear of poverty ;-and that, therefore, inequality ofcontlition is, from its nature, s~~bvcrsive of all cqnality ofrights :ind laws, ~vhi~tever may be the form of governmentinstitrltctl, ant1 whatever may be the mere polltical powerpossessed by the people. The truth of this conclusio~i was,niatle manifest to us by a consideration of the contlitiot~ ofthe working c1;tsses in ancient and n~otlern times, andunder republican as ~vell as monarchical governntents; forIre find that every wrong ~r.hich is suffered by the n~orltingclass of the United Iiingdom at the present day is likewisesuffered in degree by their brethren in republicanAmerica, and has been entlured by tlre wl~ole of their ordersince the very commencement of Ilistory. It has beenseen, too, as well as it has long been felt, that the wrongsof the urotlting class of the United Kingdom are notimaginary, as their enemies would have thern to believe ;but that they are :IS substantial as the annual sum ofnearly three hundred millions of pouncls sterlirlg can makethem,-and this, too, apart from, and independent of, thewrongs originating from the particular form of theirgovernment.TIlesc facts and considerations plainly prove,tllat q:lestion to be decided must in reality hencefortllbe,-sllall ~ve have a change of system, or no cllatlge whatever?will the working classes of the United ICingdo~ndirect their future efforts to the attainment of a socialor a governmental nonentity ?-\\rill they lteep onfor ever hanlmerillg at the ~fcct, or strike at once at thecause ?-will they tot;tlly subvert the present system, andthereby do :tway at once wit11 all the incqllality and inj~~sticeand bad government which this system generates ; or~vill they, by successive and endless governmental cl~anges,merely alter the nppear;Lnce and vary the form of thcGreat Wrong-leaving ~rntor~clled its very essence, andsuffering, wit11 uti~niti~aterl severity, every species ofmisery and injustice which that essence can el~ger~dcr ?Ineqnality of condition is tlle direct producer of everysocial ill and goverr~melltal wrong; and equ;~lity ofexchanges only can do away with inequality of condition,and bestow on, and preserve to all, equ;tlity of rights.Thus stands the question, strippetl of those n~ultifariousmysticisms in which cunrling has so well assisted ignoranceto envelop it. We here see the question of right andwrong as a wh,)le, as well as in its parts ; and, instearl ofwandering about in an interrnin;tble 1;rbyrinth of pettywrongs and petty remeilies, curing old sores by inflictingnew urouncls, we om stand as it were apart from the entiresystem. We can survey it on every side, and, knowing thesource of the wrong, sl~all thus be no longer mislecl anddisappointecl by those infallible men and infallible measures,that have for so many centuries begotten Hope bytheir promises, only to murder it by their performances.Long have the worliing classes of the United ICingdomsuffered the various wrongs and burthens wliicl~ we havebeen considering ; and numerous l~ave been the retnediesproposed and tried for the purpose of changing such astate of things for tl~e better. ,111, however, have eitherfailed entirely, or they have succeeded but partially, andbut for a moment. The people have tried social remediesand political remedies-local remedies and general remedies:they have entered into benefit societies, and trades'unions, and political associatio~ls-they have formed combinationsamong tl~en~selves, more or less formiii;rble inregard to numbers itnil to wealth ; but one scl~ente after

another Itas been abandoned, antl exchanged for sometl~ingelse that Ilad, perlraps, heen tl~rown aside a generationI~cforc.Wi tl! regard to these remedies, one principle or characterpervades tl~e \vhole-a blind and unreasoning attemptto do alvay wit11 effects, ant1 at the same time siiffcrilrgcauses to remain sacred and untouched. There is a leakin the ship; and all these various ~ntermediate remediesrelate, not to tlie stopping up of such Icalc, but to the gettingout of tho water wlricl~ is running in ; and there is nolaclt of sltallonr-p:~tecl drivellers who Itno\\. so little of tlrenatrtrc and rcl;~tion of things, :is to gravely iliscnss, inefict-not wlrctlrcr the leal< shall be stoppetl, but ~rl~etherit is I~ettcr to tltrom out one bucltct full of water in a give11time, or two 11alf-1)ucltcts.Tl~e various 1)olitic:tl associations ant1 nnions 1vhic11 haveat tirncs been formctl to 1)encfit tllc xr7orLing cl:tss, byol~taining for tlrem particular govcrnnlcr~tal cl~anges, l~avctfnt~c notl~ing wlratcvcr tolvartls 1)ettering tlre condition ofthe masses, by removing their poverty or increasing theirenjoyments. The great majority of the leading advocatesof mere political changes have ever talcen a narrow andone-sided vic~v of the nature of man, and his wants, andhis capal~ilitics. They loolc at the nrorlcl simply as it iscomprisedof an oppressed working class, ancl an oppressinggoverning class. They appear not to conceive the passibilityof human society being constituted otlter\vise than,as they find it; and t!lercfore all their political remedies11:tve no more in view than the partial amelioration of thecontlition of the morlting class as n working clnss-a classconfessetily doomed, by the unalterable nature of things, tobc the servants or the slaves of other classes. Thus, allthe political rcn~cdies heretofore so~rgl~t for and ol~taioedastlley did not go to the causes ~vl~icl~ had created a mere\vorliing class, and had made that C~:~SS oppressed anddegraded-were necessarily ineffectual in removing theoppression antl dcgratlation complainetl of.It ~~orlld l~ave been far better for the people of the presctlt(lay, if the politicians of former times, lv11en settingt]lemseIvcs to legislate for rich men, ns such, and poor men,as such, had thought of inql~iring how it came to pass thatfinme men urcre rich and some were poor; or 11ow it hap-],ened that one class toiled away, generation after generation,lvithout becoming any ricller, and the other class ate,dralll

altllough constituted differently from the political unions,and worltirlg I)y other means, 11:u.l the same ultimateobject in view :IS the latter, namely, the parlial ameliorationof the condition of the working class as a rv~rlti~~~class. But wltile the political unions sought to obtainbenefit in a gradu:il wltt intlirect manner, b~reducingtaxation, and by otller means, the trades' u~lions endeavometlto accomplish the wished-for entl immediately anddirectly, by compelling the capitalist and the employer toreftlnd, in the shape of increased wages, a part of that vastamount of ~vealtll \rrhich tllcy were arir~ually dra\cing fromtllc worlting classes: tlley were endeavorwing, in fact, toact soniewl~at upon tlle ~)rinciplc of equal cxcltanges, byol)tainitlg the frill vallle of their I;:l)o~ir.r 17 lle great body of the worltir~g ~I~ISSCS believet1 thattheir 1;ite trades' ~lniorls woultl be omnil)otctlt in effectingtheir tlelivcrance from the tlomit~iotl of tlle capit;llist ; for;I Illore powerful cr~gine was never made use of by tlle 1)rodtrcers.From there being many trades united together,ant1 supporting each otl~er, when one struclt a blow attyranny, that blow fell with tlte accumulated monetaryforce of the nrhole mass. But, whether victorious ordefeated, the workman was alilie involvetl in losses and indifljculties-all his eflorts for the permanent bettering ofItis condition were i~leffectual-and this vast confederationupas at length brolten up, and dissolved into its primitivetrade societies. Tl~ese have conti~lr~etl, at times, a desultoryand unequal contest wit11 cal)ital-sometimes withpartial success, but oftener wit11 defeat arltl ruin. TIlecal)italist and the employer have always ultimately bcentoo strong for them ; and tratles' unions have beconic,iclnongst the enemies of the rvorliing CI:ISS, a bye-wrortl ofcaution or contempt-a record of the \~ealincss of Labour\r hen op~~osed to Capital-:in indestructible nlemento ofthe evil ~vorlting of the present system in regard to thetwo great classes which now compose society.illany reasons are given to account for the dissolutionand destruction of tlie trades' unions. There was illnumerous czises abject poverty amongst multitudes of themembers ; and, in some instances, there was treachery androljhery on the part of leaders, \rlliclr naturally bceot suspicionant1 (listrust. nfuch tyranny antl it,justlce wasinflicted by both sides on indiviilrlal \vorlting men andindividual capitalists, and much precious ~vealtll wasted byeach to no good purpose. But, \rhatever may have bcenthe more immediate and apparent cause of fi~ilore, it iscertain, from the nature of tlle wrong, that it was not possiblefor the remedy of the trades' unions to succeed anybetter than tile remedy of the politicians. Neitller partywent far enough. The same primitive cause has th~rartedthe endeavours and blighted the energies of both. Theevils to be remedied flomed naturally froln, and weredependent upon, the social system anri tlre principle of1rnequa1and as neitller politic;~l llor trades'unions tor~~lled the system or the principle, they could notpossibly touch the wrong cont~ected with tllem.Unsntistied ;llil;e \vitll the result obtaitlctl b!r both pliticaland tr;ldes' ~lllions, a orti ti on of tlle worl

102 LAIIOUR'S WRONGS ANDwages to the miserable pittance wl~ich so many thousantlsof them receive. The trlte remetly, therefore, ant1 the onlyremetly, is, to reducc the nutnbcr of tlie c:tpitalists andproprietors, that more rvealtlt Inay bc enjoyed by the .rvorkingclass. If the present arr;ingements of society-theaccursecl system of unequal cxcl~angcs-enables one-fiftll ofthe nation to seize upon one-llalf of all that is it isself-evident that no decrease in the amount of production-110 reduction in the hours of labonr-cat, at all illcrerrsethe sllarc of tlie worlting class. Tl~e share of n~ealthwhich they in either c:tse receive and enjoy, will be governedsolely I)y thc number of itllcrs they are coml)cllec! tomaintain; itnd, therefore, the lcss tltc we:tlth rnl~i~l~ the~vorlcing classes ~)rotlrlcc, the less will hc tlre sl~arc rcceirctlby tl~ent. Thus, if they work fetr~er I~ours they will producelcss .ivcaltlt--thcrc will r~cccss;n.ily be lcss to divideI~etween themselves and the caj)italists-and the result ofsuch rctluctiort in the hours of labollr will I)e,-not thatthe worlcing classes ~rrill receive a ~reater sl~are, but tltatboth .they and tlte capitalists will receive less. This principleapplies generally to the working class, as a class ; but thecircumstances .rr,hich determine the hours \rliich sl~all beworketl and tl~e priccs which shall be pitid in particulartrades, arise from causes dependent on dcmat~d and supply--causes ~rrl~ich, under the present system, no legislativemeasure can beneficially elrect.It must never Le forgotten by the working class, whenreviewing tlteir wrongs ancl devising remetlies, that theirwarfare is not ngait16t men, but against it system-thatthey are fighting i~ot against tlie cal)itaiists, as intlividuals,nor against capital itself, but ngainst the presezt mode qfapplying capilal-against that s,yslem mlvhich gives to irresponsibleindivid~~uls the power of grindi~lg nzas.tes ofZubo~r letntee?~ masses of capital. There is no I-onetlyfor this, except a change of system. Without such achange, the cause of the retlemption of the 1s-orking classis a hopeless one !It mould be a waste of time to recapitulate the whole ofthe various schemes ~vhiclt have heen at times devisetl tocore, or at least to account for, the present state of things.The capitalists and the political economists have not beenidle in this latter service; and amongst the many iucomprehensibleand contratlictory doctrioes ~vlticli they havcbrought forth to account for much work esistin, 0 1n ' connectionlvith little wages-and to accollnt, also for somemen being poor, and some men being rich-some doingthe work, and others receiving alrnost all tlte benefit-is the Fallacy of demand and supply. Tlie economistsmostplace the capital irnd the capitalists oilthe one sideJ the work and the working class on theother. When it happens that there arc more workingmen than call be employed by the capitalist, the former aretold that there is a "glut of labour" in the market.Work is dificult to procure, and, if obtained, it must bedone for less money than was before received. Ut~der thepresent arrangenlcnts of society, tllere is always such Ird l glut of labour," as it is calletl, in alnlost every trade andprofession-t:l~re is ever a greater or less number of met1only employed, or altogetlter unenlplopetl, andthus placed on the very verge of starvation. The econo-~nists tell us that this state of tltings is not del)eridetltupon, nor in any way connected witlt, form of government; but that it happens necessarily and unavoidably,and can only be removed by the course of proceetli~~gwhich they point out. They say tltat there is only a certainquantity of capital or rnoney in the country capableof being applied to the purposes of prot1uct;on ; that thismoney, therefore, being thus limited, can only employ iicertain number of labourers at 20s. a week, or double tltatnumber at IOs., or four times that number at 5s.:-tlliitit from hence necessarily follonrs, that the inore 1:lboureruthere arc, tlie worse it mill be for them; and, tltcrefore,the only remedy for this inequality between Inbour aitdcapital is, for sorile of the labtturers to "go out of tlte nlilrket,"-tokeep down their numbers-to emigrate, or dieoff by disease and starvation, until they arc spin ~vithinthe range of Capital, and there are ratller fewer of theatthan are wanted. When this takes place, say the economists,Capital and Labour ~vill tnaitttaiu their naturitlequilibrium, and tlic competition among the capitalists willraise to their proper level the wages of those 1s-orliing menwho remain; for, say they, it is tlte competition amongstthe worlting classes to obtain etnploymcnt, ~vhich no~vbrings down the value of labour; and, so long as there ;irea greater number of \vorlting inen tltiirt the c:~pitalists l~i~\.rmoney to emplny, it is beyood tlte power of ulan, either by

means of trades' unions, or short-time bills, or governmentalchanges of any description, to alleviate, permanently,the condition of the worlting class.Upon a slight examination, this esplanation of the economistsappears a very rational mode of accounting for thepresent distress, and the compulsory idleness of so nlauyable working men as are now wilndering about unemployed;but it does not account for the present gradation of classes,nor mould it, if carried out to its utmost extent, relieve theworlting class from that enormous loitd ~rlriclr now pressesthem into the cartlr. This remedy finils them slaves, andit woulil lcave them so. It is very apparerlt to every Inan,that if thcre be a certain quantity of urorlt to be done,-supp~)se tlic cligging of a canal-and a s~)ccifietl ant1sufticient sum of moncy to pay for it, an(! just so manylabourers as there are shovels for, the wlloIe concern willgo on well enough while the sever:il psrts are thusadjusted to cacll other; it is ;~lso cvitlerlt, that if tlrere betwice as many labourers as there are sl~ovels and wagesfor, half of these labourers must remain idle, or t!re ~vl~oleof them work half-time, and receive half-pay. Tlre sameprinciple is perpetnally seen in operation irr one trtltfe oranother. But even admitting that the deficiency of moneyis the true cause of the non-employment of these mostunwilling idlers, is there no other remedy than that ofstarving thcm to death or transporting them ? Will it notbe as rational and as practicable, now that the labourersare here, to increase the shovels to the wants of the workers,as it ~vill be to beat dow11 the 1aboul.ers to the level of theslrovels? If the econo~nists cannot answer this question,it shall be answered for thcm.The doctrine of a "glut of labour," altllougl~ apparentlyborne out by facts, is in reality as false and as ~rnsupportedas the veriest fiction th:lt ever inlposed upon the credulityof mankind. There never yet has been, and there is notnow, and there cannot be for thousands of years, such athing as a " glut of labour ;" and a positive contradictionis involved in the assertion that there is such a glut.All human appliances of labour are intended to procurefor man hollses, footl, clothes, ant1 other necessaries andluxuries; for these things can be obtainetl only by labour.It is evident, tl~erefore, that one of two things isnecessary to the condition of a glut of Iabour. We allhave a sufficiency of cvery necessary and luxury for consun~ption-and,tllerefore, a s~l~erabundance of labour incooseqnence of repletion of wealth;-or else, wanting someor ail of these things, the raw material of mllich tiley arccomposed is not in sufficientto employ all ollrlabour,-and thus there is a glut, from the circun~stanceof our having nothing to ~rorli upon.It need not be aslted whether every person in the Unite4ICingdom has a sufliciency of the v;irions necessal.ies and 111s-11ries ~vllic11 labour calls into esistcnce. If all hare enough,and to spare, then is there truly a glut of labour; andthe worlting class may sit tlo1r.11 and enjoy then~selres tinti1some of this al~undance is consnmed. But if every personhave not sr!ch a sufliciency of these good things, andthere nevertheless be plenty of tllc raw nlaterial to workupon, then tl~ere cannot truly be a glut of labour. Thedesire for certain things exists within 11s-thc material oftllese things is around us-tile labour requisite to vork LIQthis material is under our ulrn control ; and, until :dltheir wants are satisfied, or the treasures of the earth exhausted,it is a palpable untruth to tell the working classesthat there is s "glut of labour;" for the half-clothedbacks and hungry bellies of many a si~ffering thousand tellthem, again and again, that they are in want of ererytllingwhich labour czn procure. Tlre system must be alteredwhich sets their labour in motion and keeps it moving;and then, and not till then, mil1 the triple contradiction oftoo many hands, too much raw material, and too iittleproduce to enjoy, be done away with !To afirni, as the economists do, that there are too manyagricultr~ral labourers, while there is at the same timeplenty of unemployed land, and thousands of operativesare in want of bread-or that there are too manyoperatives ancl artizans, \rhile millions of the conlmuoityare in want of clotl~es, houses, and other necessaries,-isso glaring a contratliction-so strange an anontaly-as rostrike at once the most obtuse understanding; and if therewere not innumerable instances before the eyes of everyone, it woulil be difiicult to believe even in the possibilityof the existence of such a state of things. At the presenttime, mliltitudes of these various classes of producers arccon~l)elled to remain in itlleness ancl impovet-ishn~ent, ~rl~ilceach man is in want of the very tllings \vhich his unenl-

LABOUR'S REMEDY. ! 07ploycc! neighhour can produce ! He who 1i11ow.s l~ow togrow corn must stand still and starve, 1)ecause the capitalisthas the land-he \rho can malie cloth must go barebaclted,hcca~ise the capitalists have the wool, and tlre mills,and the machinery. All these contratlictions-all this wantof employment atid this poverty-arise from that systemwhich places accl~mlllntions of capital in the hands of individualsanel classes-from that system wl~icli makes oneclass dependent upon another for the means of labour, andthus, necessarily, for the means of life and happiness.It 113s al\raps been tli~is ~vith the ~vorlting classes-underrcpu1)lics as well as monarchies-and, under the prcsentsystem of unequal excllanges it :rlwap will be so, wlletllerthey be illiterate or ctlucatctl, itn~nori~lreligious, tcmperi~tcor tlel~s~lclreil,Is there, then, no rcnlcily for thcsc evils-for this complicatetlitllencss, and w~~etclrctlnesu, and excessive toil ofsuclt vast nurr~bcrs of artisans and agriculturists? Cannothing be (lone to enable one class to grow corn, and otherclasses to produce their respective commodities-to providesufficient employment and ample remuneratiou for allmen, in all trades-that every member of society may benot only well supporteel atid educated, but lilie~rise wellprovided for in age? We have seen that all the merely governmentalchanges contended for by the politicians-~vlietherhaving reference to extended voting, or reduction inthe hours of labour, or other similar measures-will not ,do it, or they would !lave done it in the United States.MTe have seen that the trades' nnions, however powerful andwell conductctl, cannot tlo it, or they would have gone 011and conquered. We have seen tliat the remedy proposetlby tl~e political economists cannot do it, as the means arenot only impracticable, but like\vise totally inatlcquateto obtain the end desired, even were they carried out to theirutmost extent. The economists, like the politicians, knowonly of the c;~pitalist, as slich, and the worlting man, assuclt. All their remetlies have reference only to theprcsent system of inequality and injustice-that systemwhich, by ut~equal exchanges, robs every wor1;ing man oftwo-thirds of Iris just earr~ings, to keep up the supremacyant1 the wealth of tlrose who arc not ~vorlting men-tllatsystem which, being thus constituted and mairltaineci, willspontaneously and rlecessarily protluce governnlental insti-tutiolls imbued wit11 its orvn spisit, autl cllaracteristic ofits own vileness and depravity. As, tllerefore, all the evilsof we complain result from the ~)rescllt systctll, icndltotle of these numerous remetlies touc!~ the systenl itself,it is in the nature of thillgs that any of them sl~ut~lel'Je success fir^; or that tbey should ever do more that1 drivein the evil at one part, that it nlay hreak out wit11 increasedvir~le~~ce at another. There is no remedy apartfrom tile (lestrtlction of the wrong; and the subversirrn,,f the yresellt social system must be accolnplislled, or\vlIicll from tlris ~!~stei~l can never be erndientpcl.

CI-IAPTER VIII.Tfrr;; retrospect nrhic11 has been talicn of tl~e cl~aractcral~tl tendency of the present social system, has iiflortlctlabundant proof that tl~ere is within tltis systcn~ ii prillcil)Iewf1icl1 must ever doom folir-fifths of the conlmunity topolitical and sociill danination, untler every n~oiiificiition ofreligion and every form of government. The revieu~aler~tered into has shcwn us not only some of the manyfailures which have followed the efforts of man to alter thepresent state of things for the bctter, but it has at thesame time made us acquaintetl mitl~ the cause of thesefailures, and ltas thus placecl the future destiny of manwithin his own hands. We have seen that this systemspontaneously generates inequality of ~vealth and inequalityof power, and that it therefore is, and always must be,subversive of every just political institution and allequality of social rights which may be at any time established.We have tliscovered, likewisr, that inequality ofwealth, and tllc gradation of classes, is produced anclmaintained by inrrl~~dity of exchanges; and, howeverinequality of excl~anges may have been originally induced,observation and expel.ience unite in sheming that theprincipleis now perpetuated by the existence of inequality ofweallh in conneclio7z with the ,gradation of cclnsses, or thedivision of society into capitalists anJ protlucers. Inequalityof posscssions, when considered by itself, itncl unconnectedwith inequality of eschanges and the gradation of1-lasses, is not a great evil. To the man whose labour has~rocnred him two suits of clotllcs, it rgrattcrs not whetheranother person has two or four suits, ~)rovicled this secondnlan have obtained his superfluity by means of exchanginghis own labour eqnally against the labour of some otherperson. =In absolute equality of possessions can no moreexist among men, than an absolute equality in regard toatltl stature. In every state of society, there \rillbe some ]

LABOUR'S REMEDY. 111their labour \vould determine the value of the articlecreated and brought to the hands of the consumer.The principle of equal exchanges, therefore, must, fromits very nature, ensure universal labour-it will conseciuentlybe destructive of that great social ulcer, the maintenanceof one class at the expense of another: it willprevent the division of society into classes and castes-itmust therefore maintain social ant1 political equality ofrights: it mill do away wit11 the want of work, the escessivetoil, and the hopeless poverty wl~icll now exist-and itwill at the same time destroy all the moral and physica]evils inducetl and maintainetl 1)y such a state of things.This is all that is contended for ant1 all that is desiredithas been clearly shewn that this result can never beobtainetl in any system founded upon tlte princi le ofonet1u:ll exchanges-ant1 it has now to be determine 0 whatsocial arrangements must be instituted to e~tablish andmaintain equality of exchanges, or as near an approxi~nationto the prir~ciple as the trifling ineqnalities amongst met1will admit of. An approach to truth is all :that can bemade by human beings; for abstract perfection will neverbe found either in man or his institutions.There is in man an instinctive principle which perpet11:tlIyimpels him to seek the company ant1 the assistanceof his kind. There are feelings within him ~r~hich musthave vent-feelings which yearn for communion with somethingafter their own nature-and, wherever man is cut off,from all sympathetic connection with his fellows, he willtinil a companion even among the animals which constitutehis footl. Or, this will Ite heston. a portion of those feelings1v11ich he has been debarred from exercising towards hisown species-he will partalic alike of its pleasures and itstroobles-and the caresses returned by his dumb associatewill speak strongly though silently to his heart. Thisprinciple or love exists tl~roilghout creation, and, by successivelinks, holtfs it1 connection all that is animate and allthat is inanimate. There is no snch thing as solitude, orsilence, or isolation.In considering, tlien, a social system, it requires no speculationas to the reasons or the advantages which originallyinduced society. It is sufficient that society existsand that, in some form or other, it always will exist. ItJis nothing less than a state of society, if two human beingshold colnmunion with each other-it is no more thansociety if there be congregated together two hundredmillions.All Iiuman beings, whether in or out of society, ilnitedtogether in larger or smaller co~nmnnities,, are imperativelygovernetl by the indestructible but clirectible principleof self-love. By particular social arrangements, thisprinciple may be m;de to benefit an inclividual in a directmanner, without benefiting his felloms-it may be made tobenefit an iniiividual in a direct manner, and at the sametime benefit others-it may be made to benefit an individualintlirectly, tlirougli the medium of others. The firstinode of operation is inconr1jatil)lc ~ritli personal safety ant1social peace-the second is unf:~vol~rable to the gro\vtl~ ofinc1ividu;~l charity ;in(\ gencrnl love-tl~c third contains~vitl~in itself the clcmcnts of snfcty, ;u~d charity, ant1 pencc.The true excellence of a social stem, tllereforc, willdcpend upon the ~nnnner in wllicll it brings into action andgoverns the principle of self-love, so tli;lt society at largemay suffer as few ills and enjoy as many advantages asI)ossible.Under nresent arranzements, the principle of self-lovein every i'ndivitlual is &ft at liberty to ~v&lc any way andevery \rray, as ~~rlcontrollctl circumstances may determine;and from hence i~rises that discordant and conflictingjumble of interests-that admixture of good and bad institutionsand practices-that nnintermitted warfare betweenindividuals and classes-which has so long tired the patienceand grieved the heart of man. The present socialarrangernertt,s admit of a lion-producing aristocracy, andbenefit that class lrithout 1)enefiting the prot!ucers-andin this there is evil and wrong : these arran~ements createand maintain a commercial and trading ar~stocracy, andbenefit that class as ten :und the producers but as one-andin this there must be political misrule as well as social injustice: and all such arrangements, as they do not benefitintlirectly, but plunder and enslave directlj-, the vast massof tlie producers, must always be subversive of everythinglike safety, or charity, or love.But, besitles tlie proper government of self-love, and asa means to this enti, a social system must contain the requisitearrangcnrcnts for tlte production and equable distributionof an ~lnlimitc(l q11~11tity of ~vcaltli-for the perfectsecurity of persons ;uitl property-itnd for the physical

moral, and intellectual crtltivation of all its members. Thepresent system is almost destitute of every one of theserequisites: it places an unnatural limit to the production ofwealth, and distributes in a grossly unj~lst manner thatwhich is produced : persons and property are aa unsafefrom attack and spoliation as they can be uudel. any circumstances,for the principle of social love is cramperl ant1confined within the smallest limits in which it can exist:the physical, moral, and intellectual culture of the bestanlong us is anything but what it ought to be ; while thepowers of whole srctiol~s of the comn~unitg are totallyneglected, and circumstances are left at liberty to protluceadult humal beings varying in intellect from the oyster tothe elephant, ant1 act~~atetl by a charity and love ;[kin tothat of the tiger antl the hyena.Our preseut system is clcficient in all these requisites;ant1 reason alone a.oultl be capable of predicting.icl1 thosesocial evils which experience Itourly brings to view. Butunseemly as is a state of things lilie this, ant1 unfavourableas it ever must be to tl~ose high aspirations after Ilumatiexaltation wltich cheer on the phi1:~nthropist in liis thanklesslabours, it is well to know that there is in man nointellectual depravation .rrlriclr may not be elevated antlrefined-no brut;:l propcnuity \vl~icll mag not be tamed andhuma~~ized.,, f o suppose that n high eIevation and a general unifor-mity of character can exist amongst the people of a nation,would, at the present (lay, excite only derision. Whenphilosop!iically viewed, ho~rever, such a desideratun~ does]lot lie witlrout the verge of possibility. It will be univel.,sally admitted, that, even under the present system, muchas there is of evil and little as tl~ere is of good, all personsare not equally ignorant, nor equally tlisposed to violenceant1 crime. If a perfect uniformity in respect to chiiractcrand actions no\rr prevailed anlong men, there mou!d bereason to believe that man was an ur;changeable being, andthat, therefore, any attempts to make him either better ormoise must be nugatory. As, however, such a uniformitydoes not exist-as some men are ignorant and others wise,some vicious and others virtuous, ant1 even the sitnle individual,at times, untlcrgocs a change in aln~ost all hisfeelings antl convictions and actions-rr.e cannot but COILclr~de t1w.t character, I\ l~etller good or bail, is nothing morethan a factitious quality acquired by man-an impression+'as it mere, made by sorrounding circumstances uponthat which constitutes human existence-and that itis dependent upon the particular organization of everyindividual, in connection wit11 the particular occurrences orcircumstances by rrhich that organization has been surroundedand influenced. The material compound of theFJuropean and the Ethiopian are alike, and yet the two aredifferent in colonr, in creed, and in extent of knorvledgeand refinement. 0pl)osed as they are, however, the tworaces might be made to change characters and opinions,simply by sllbjecting eacli to those specific influences whichhave heretofore operateti upon the other. In like mannermay all 11rlman beings, by exposure to the operation ofcertain circn~nst;u~ces and influences, be made savage orcivilizetl, ignorant or e~~li~litet~ed, imn~oral or religious.Titat sltcl~ \\rill he and ever is the case, is a fiict indisputablvproved by the testimony of all history, and the dailyeipirience of men.Such, tl~en, being the nature of man, and such theinfluence of circumstances upon him, his destiny is placedwithin his own Irands; antl it is in the poiver of society,as a whole, to (letermine, by tllc establishment of pirticularsocial institutions, what shall be the ~eneral character andhabits of its individrlal members. Tl~us the evils of everykind now endured may not only be alleviated, but tot~dlyremovetl.Everything which in any way operates upon or influencesman is a circumstance. Men perform no actionwithout a motive of some kind ; and all their luotives tothought and to exertion arise, either immediately orremotely, from the operation of surrounding circumstancesupon them. If del)rived of food, men become h ~ngry~ifof drink, thirsty-if disappointed in their es;)ectittlonsand thwarted in their tlesires, they are discontented andunhappy. All these feelings or sensations are the effects ofparticular circumstat~ces upor1 sentient organization-theycannot be destroyed by any mere effort of thinlting or willing-andthus they beconle the causes of motives and tlteinciters to action. From the nature of man, therefore, hemust ever be tlle creature of circumstan~es~11e \sill everp;~ssively receive irn1,ressions from surromld~ng objectsforhe cannot, by taltiug tllougllt, alter his organization,

or make it independent of external influences, or add onecubit to his stature.But, although passive as to the manner in u.11ich IIC willreceive an impression from a particular circumstance, mallmay acquire n power of determining wlletller or not hewiIl expose himself to the influence of such circumsta~lce.IIe is passive in reference to the present, but active asregards the future. It has always been the end of man'sendeavours to control, in some tlegree, the circumstanceswhich made him happy or miserable. To this end, he ll~snever, by reasoning ripon the matter, tried to prevent himselffrom being hungry or thirsty, 1)11t he has endeavouredto keep a supply of foocl and drinlc ill~~ysat hand. Tl~ehunger controls the man, anit tlte food, in turn, controls thehunger; and if the food be not forthcoming, the man willdie. Thus, while the hungcr is master of the man, theman Irimself, by having food in his possession, is master ofthe hunger, and therefore master of his own life, or of thisone circulnstance which affects liis life. Man is nlmaysthus alterr~ately n passive and an active being-operatedupon and operating-but every desire which he feels, andevery action which he performs, result from tlte combinedaction and reaction of circumstance and organizatio~~ uponeach other.In respect to character, mall has a capacity to be anything,and by turns everything, as circumstances shalldetermine. He, like the floating b~ibble on the stream,shews IIS, at times, many colours and mixtures of colonrs;but these various shades of character, however light ordark, are little more than reflex radiations from surrountlingobjects antl occurrences. The simple nature of man iscdoi~rleus-it is fitted to receive every variety of impression-aud,when the combined nature and impression callforth an action, good or bad, such action discloses not somuch the hue of the nature itself, as the hue which it ltastaken from tlle bright or the gloomy influences to which ithas been exposed. Man cannot, therefore, be justlyblarned or hated by his fcllo~r~s for being what the circumstancesand influences of his life have made him-lvhethera blootlthirsty tyrant, or a grasping capitalist, or a crouchingslave. If we would have the family of man to he, asit were, a bright and glorior~s assemblage of the picturcs ofhumanity, ~ve must place all men in positio~is and sur-rounil them with circumstances and influences in whichthere is notlling black and nnseemly. IC matters not whatmay be tilc mere lcnorrledge given to men, or the lnoralprecepts taugllt to them, if the circr~mstmces by whichtlley :ire sllrrounded be disreprdcd. Bad circumstancesand illfluences can neither produce nor maintain g00(1 men.Circumsti~nces furnish the seed of good or ill, and man isbut as the soil in which they grow-t21e characters of menmay be nlcde entirely good, or entirely bad, or, as nolv, avariegated mixture of good and had ; hilt if the institutionalcirc!.lmst;unces antl influences which surrountl mando not accord with tlie end (lesired-do not contain withinthem more of good than of evil-that whichintended to be a beautif111 g:lrilen will become eitherchoked up witli noxious weeds, or converteil into a blightedand barren \r;~ste.A!! tliese considerations respecting the nature of man,antl the influence of snrrou~lding circumstances upon tllatnature, plai~lly show that the present ltabits and prejudicesof the various cl:isses of society, and their feelings ofreverence or conte~nptowards each other, result from thesocial position of one class with respect to another, and thedifference of the circllmstances by which eadi class issurrounded; and, therefore, it necessarily follows-whathas been proved by universal experience-that were theposition and circumstances of each class reversed, tlie charactersof each would be changed, and the cra~rling slave ofto-day would become the domineering tyrant of to-morrolv.All nten are of one substance and one nature-they aremade into tyrants arid slaves by the present social systembytllc division of society into rich and poor ; snd thisdivision is maintained, not because the first class is superiorto the last in mental and corporeal attrihtltes, butbecause the two exchange unequally \\?it11 each other.History shews us ho\v little has been the success ofmatt in controlling the various oircun~stances which haverelation to his existence and lris happiness. TVofillly haslie sil~lled and s~ifferctl. He has bli~~dly destroyed thewealth and shed the blood of his fellow-man, simply becausehis fell~\~-man felt and thougl~t just tlie sanle as hellinlself would have felt and thought, had he been placedthe same position and esposecl to the same influences. Thetyranny and wrong at any to be removed, is not in the

men, but in the institutions; and wherever a physicalrevolution has overturned a governmental despotism, andleft untouched the social institutions from which that despotismsprang, it has never led, and never can lead, toany other result than a transfer of power from one man orone class to another; for the last are left exposed to thesame influences as tlie first, 2nd therefore they necessarlyrevive the apparently subverted tyranny. Governmelltaldespotisnl and tyranny of every kind can he effectuallyanriihilated only by destroying the cause of sucli tyranny-the empire of love can be extended from families antlfriends to nations and the ~vorld at large, only by uprootingthose social iustitutions which circumscribe the loveof marl to man within the narrow circle of a class-ant1all this can be (lone only I)y illstituting arrangements 1)nscdon tlie broad principle of equality of rights.Thus, then, the lligllest and most mighty perfortnancewhich man can achieve, will be to call into being and directthose social circumstances \vhich control and influencehimself. From his very nature, man cannot resist theoperation of circumstances wlien they are once let looseupon him-it is a condition of his being to yield to them,ant1 to derive from them his feelings and motives to action.HOW almost omnipotent, then, will become the power ofman, 1v11en lie can himself direct the circumstances whichhe is compelled to obey-~vhen he can, as it were, holdboth good and evil in his right hand ! This power over ,his own ciestiriy may be obtained by mnn, ant1 will one daybe exerted by Ilim, through the instrume~itality of hissocial institutions. All his former achievements-hisconquests over tlre elements antl forces of nature-are butas so mally steps towartls an end yet to be attained. Theworltl is in its nonage rather than its tlotngc; and thatwhicll lias been already accomplishcd by man will fall asfar short of what lie may do, as the efforts of boyhooddrvindie into insignific;mce wllen compared with the perforr~lancesof maturity.The various controllable circumstances which haverelation to tlle llappilless of man, may be divided intopl~ysical and moral,-or, such as are conrlected wit11 theproduction of wealth for tlie satishctiori of liis animalwants, and those wl~ich have referetice to his ir~tellectualand nioral cultivation, arltl his duty to liis fello~s. Thepresent socirl system furnishes ubtindmt eranlples of bothant1 defective means adopted to controlfirst order of circumstances ; and, Itnowing esactlyis wanted-the greatest quantity of wealth forthe least portion of labour-there can be no ilificultyin selecting those modes of action which mostmaterially conduce to the end desired. In regard to theattainment of a high degree of moral and intellectualpower, there are, under the present system, neither institutionsnor arrangements favourable to the government ofthis order of circumstnnces. Everything is defective, andincapable of imbuing men with those qualities anti feelingswllidi are so ir~dis~ensable to their true happiness. Everyman is placed in ;L soci:~l position n~bicll utterly preventsllim froin doing to all 111eti iiS he would that all men shoulddo unto him. The clivisions of society ~vhich nolv exist,leave one class ?t the mercy of another, ant1 make tlie gainof the oppressor flow from thc losses of the oppresserl ; andthus they ~tecessarily make men enemies. These gradations,moreover, inflict on the great mass of the communityexcessive toil and anxiety to procure the means ofsubsistence; and tllat desire for intellectual improvementwhicli is not destroyed by such toil and arixiety, withersand dies in tlie cheerless atniosphere of poverty. Thus,under tlle present system, there can be no sucli thing asgeneral morality-no such tliing as the general cultivationof the intellectual pot~.ers--alld no possibility of menbeing united together in that common bond of social lovewhich is so requisite to human progression.Under the present system, every transaction relating tothe protiuction and distribution of wealth is more or lessgoverned by the ever-active and ever-warring principle ofcompetition. It is perpetu;rlly bringing individtials andclasses into hostile cc~llisioa with each other. Its provinceis, not to cleterniine what is right, but mllat is expedient.Under its guidance, the interests of men are iniiividualised,and separated from each other ; and every one is left atliberty to advaiice his own particular nrelfare, without anyreference to the interests and tlie welfare of those withwhom he may come in contact.In connectio~l with competition, and worlting with it inthe production of n-cnltll, is co-operation. Xvery work ofnature and of art afiijrds evidence of the polrrer of co-ope-

ation, or the union and direction of forces. The statelytree of the forest antl the massive mansion of the city,alike owe their existel~ce to co-operation. Witl~out tIlis~rinciple, there could exist neither civilization nor refinement,for the urllole time of every individual would beoccupied in isolated endeavours to obtain subsistence.Every one would be poor and miserable, antl all the resllltsof labour wrould be unsatisfactory and unr~munerativ~.By u~ell-directed co-operation, however, there is nothingaccon~plishal~le which may not be effected. The power ofany nation or community will ever be in proportion to tlieco-operation which exists among its members ; but ;ill thepowers and atlvantages of co-operation cannot be fullydeveloped and enjoyed, unless there Le among merl aperfect union of interests and reciprocity of benefits; andthere can be no such union and reciprocity except labourhe llniversal and exchanges equal.Competition is a consequence arising from the operationof surrounding circumst~~nces and influcnccs up011 humallorganization. It is set in motion hy the uncontrolledself-love of man ; and it can be destroyed only by subjectingmen to a 1)eculiar course of mor;tl training, or bycreating for all persons n suficiency of the articles desiretland competed for. Either of these mcans will be destructiveof competition ; for the first will supplant it by liiglierfeelings antl actions, while under the last it can have noscope for exertion. But under the present social system,ant1 the feelings and modes of action which this systemcalls into existence, the spirit of competitioll is an ineradicableand an indestructible ingredient in human character;for wherever two or more parties are actuated by similardesires for particular ol~jects, they mill compete with eachother for possession, so long as cornpetition is the onlymeans by which these objects can he obtained.Competition is only one of a cl:us of human feelingsand actions which originate from uncontrolled self-love,and which ever produce discord, envy, hatred, ant1 alluncharitableness. It should be recollected that man,whether in civilized or savage society, comes into theworld a human being in the rough, and brings with l~irnall the instincts and feelings aplwrtaining to a state ofbrute existence. These are what have been implanted inman for his preservation-they are tlie animal part of~lun~anity-tl~e involnntary movements of the principle, ofto llold fast to being. But those ~ul~regulaiedinstincts an(1 actions wliicli would tend to the preservatio~land enjoylnellt of man if he mere alone in the world,become absolutelyto him if thus left uncontrolledin a state of society, These instincts and facultiesoperate just as strongly upon man in society, as theylrould do if 11c were isolated ; but society is an artificialstate of existence-an appliance of human reason to reara superstrttcture, of which the fount1;~tiou only lias beenlaid by Nature-and therefore man's natural incentives toaction must be artifici;i!ly constrained arid guided, thatthey m:ly conduce to, instead of tl~\r.arting, the greatdesignof society. Unless thus controlletl, there cannot bethat universill 11;y)piness ~rl~icli must have existence beforethere can be any trlw individual happiness : for the last,11.11eli riglltly vic~.i-ed, is no more tllall a rcflectio11 from tliefirst.Tl~us, instead of vainly endeavouring to eradicate theprinciple of self-love, institutions lnrlst bc established whicli~vill govern and direct this principle, auil compel it tobenefit society at large, at the sarne time that it benefitstlie indivitlnal in whom it operates. This can be done onlyby means of institutions ill wllicl~ i~idivitlu:llity, as such, isul:kIlo\rrn-in tvllicl~ the man is lost ill the ii~ass-in whichall interests ancl l~enefits are as one.JVe I~;~ve, then, the true principles on \vliicl~ to base :Lsystem-\re posscss, lilien~ise, sufficient kriowletlge ofllatllre ant1 capabilities of the being for whom this systell1is intendcd-~e have, ;rlso, all abuntl;l~~t accu~n~~l;~tio~~of facts collnectcd wit11 the etfective :und defective inotles ofacting upon these l)rinciples, 21s \veil as of the particulareffects prodoced upon man by all tllcse varieties of actionandit call tl~creforc be tletcr~~lincd, wit11 certainty, u hatwill be the character and v~orldlp condition of indiridualsand nations rr,llcn su1)jectt.d to tlie influence of institutionsfounded on a \vise apl)lication of these principles.Tlic consitler;~tiori of what is essenti;tl to a proper socialsystem is witlely different from the subversiotl of an csisting systc~n ancl the estnblisl~~ncnt of the one desired. lllellarc so influcnccd 1)y custoln, that, althougll they may beslte~vn the cntl of a glrnt movement, anti the ilnmenseatlvantages derit-able from it, they will rarely attempt to

travel torvartls the desired object, unless it happen to liedirectly in their way, anti can be attnitletl with little (IifLculty.The very idea of change, l~orvevcr bright tile prospectl~eld out, terrifies tile great majority of individuals, ifsuch change happen to 1e:ld tl~em out of the comlr~orrbeaten traclc of every-clay existence. They are ever reatlpto convert molehills into mountains, and to rcgartl as aninsurmountable 01)stacle that which is scarcely sttfficient tomal,e them stumble. In considering, then, how a socialcltar~ge is to bc efYectcd, a srrrvcy mllst be t:llcen not only ofthe crrd itself, lmt lil

u11ior1 csccl)t where 1;ibour is universal antl itseqlrolly enjoyed,--wllerc cacl~ individual is exposed tosimilt~r and only to good influences,-anti where cacll men)-bcr of society is sl~ewn ant1 rnatlc to see and fecl that llistrue i~~tcrcst is to be fount1 only in the interest of everyotllcr membcr of tl~comlnrlnity.Tile present scparntior~ of society into jarrilig and ]lost,ilescctio~ls is irren~etliable under the csisti~~~ system ; fortlrc continr~ancc of such separation and l~ostility is insuredby tl~c sole circumstance of tl~crc 1~ci11~ aniollg Inell adiversity of interests, ~rl~icl~, ol~crntil~g ill co11tr;rry nr;lys,~lccessarily bring men into collision iritl~ eacl~ otl~cr, beclusetiley malie the gain of one man to be tl~c loss ofanother. It is Ironr, CVCII :il)art from rclationsl~i~, tl~o illtcrcstof a son t11;it his parc~~t slroultl g;ri~l tvcaltl~, for Ilcex~rects tllcrchy that IIC will he better ~)rovidcd for-it isthc intercst of a 1)arcllt tIl;it l~is cl~iltlrc~l s11o11ltl ;tctluircprol)crty, that tllcy may I J ~ nl~lc to srtccuur Ili~n ill l~is oldage-it is t,!~e i~~tcrcst of ~.cliltirc~ that c;~cl~ otl~cr sl~o~l~l1)ossess cnouglr ant1 to spare, tll~t any one of them, if unfortu~~atc,may obtain assist:r~~ce; b ~ espericncc ~ t proves,in tlrousai~ds of insta~~ccs, that the ties of blootl ca111lotu~rite those who~n interest scl):u.atcs.U~lder the present system there is not, and tlrerc nevercall IJC, a gcrreral comlilrunity of interest, for the interest ofevery class is ol)lroscd to the interest of every otlrer clilss ;and ~~otl~ing can be g~i~letl I)y the capitalist \rrl~icl~ is notlost Ly the lrroducer. It is not now tile interest of the'\rorlii~~g Inan that fl~e capitalist or cmployer sl~ould obtaillgreater lrrofits, because the profits tl~us obta.ined bv tlrclast are the accumulated losses of the first ; nor is f t theinterest of the capitalist tl~tttlre nrorlii~~g man sl~oultl reccirctl~c frill fruits of his Ial~our, becirrrsc, were sue11 thecaw, tl~capit;tl ist caultl 11ot l~old suy)l.cmacy, ant1 live illidlr~~ess a ~ I'uxury, ~ d its Ire now does. Tl~c assertion, thatif the employer obtiii~r great profits Ilc nrill be cnab!cd topay Iligl~ \\,ages, is a filllircy tr.l:icl~ daily contradicts itself.As the capit;llist becon~es more n~ealtl~~~, he increases hiscs~~cn(liturc, or invests Inore c~rpital. ivl~cre his profitsrise from £200 to £-I00 or £800 per :tllliuln, no corrcs~)ontlingrise, ;ur(l 110 I-~SC \rI~:ltcvcr, titlic~ 1)lacc ill tl~c n.:~gcs ofhis ~\~orI:~nc!~l. Tllc oltl r;ttc of p;tymc~~t is ~n;~i~~txinctltl~rong!~ all tl~tsc ;idv;r~lccs; I)ut \\.l~cl~ a rc\.cl.sc tali^^ place,alld l)rOfit~dewcase, tl~c first thing tl~ul~~l~t of by :In emis,-notn.11rtl1er IIC slrnll rctrencl~ llis cspc~~tliturc,alld forego so~oc of his lusnrics, ;u~d conlc tlown to hisOrigill;tl standard, but ho~u ?ILUCIL he shall rcduce Ilte Jungcsof llis l~O~li~nex ; for his OIYII statio~l, and pride, ant1 porrrl),must remain ~iritoricl~ed. 'I'lrus the ctirisio~l of society intoclasses perpetuates tile divisio~~ of interests; and, by bringingi~~(livi(lui~ls into 110stile cu11t:lct in the colrlnlon scriuiiblefor subsistence, clestrops those germs of sympstl~y andfeeling tvhicll ~lnturally esist ill all Incr!. Under prcsent:rrrangcrncuts, encl~ tlivisio~r of society is systc~~rnticallytraillet1 to 1)clierc itself st11)crior or iuferinr to otl~erdivisiolrs--c;icl~ is syslcrnntic;llly tr;li~led to 1)clievc that itsi~ltcrcsts nrc more or I(.ss nt!\.a~~cctl by tl~c tlcl)rcssioi~ ofotlrcr i~ltercsts-iu~d r:tch inil)il~es Sccli~~gs iind prejudicesdifFcring from tl~c otl~ers, .end ;tpplicilble to its oirn positionor1 tlrc social inap. 'i'l~r~s is society-thus (lo ~IICII tl~i~~li,act. ;lncl fccl.TVlrirtcvcr In;ly be the :~ltcrittio~rs m:ltle, it is certi1i11tl~at a worse syste~n than tire present onc can by 110 possibilitybe tlcvisetl; antl it \voulil be cqrrally inipossible to111tl1ie a social cl~al~ge of any kintl, ~rl~icll u.oultl leave SOcietyin :IS bad it state as it IIO\V is. Sucl~ being the case,and tl~ere bei11g :~bund:rrit proof t11:lt Inan can be trained toimbibe good or bad feelings to~vards Iris fello\vs-to d~r-ellwith them in equality, or rule ;is Iiing, or obey as subjectitlias been co~~ccisecl tlrat, by institutil~g n, social systemu.hich shall tio iinriiy \r~itll tl~e prcse~lt gradatio~rs insociety, auct rinite all the i~~dividuals of a nation into onegrciit fanlily, \rcl~ere gootl oflices sl~all be reciprocal, irr~tlall interests one a~rd inclivisil)le, tl~cr can esist only feeliugsakin to those now felt in isolntcd fimilies. It Iras long1)ecn seen tl~at a tliversity of interests must always bedestrrlctive of social I~ar~no~~y, bec,u~sc necesbarily subversiveof tl~osa feelings of i~~dividuiil atti~cl~ment ant1 rcsl)cct\rliicl~ form tile olrly l),asi; on sr,hich universal lore a11tlpeace can be rearer!. In order, therefore, to reconcilethose iiiterests wl~ich are now opposed, by urlitir~g all intoone i~lterest, ar~tl to csteutl universally that love a.iiic11 isnow 1)ent up ~ritl~il~ the ilnrrow circle of a fanlily, ;L systemhas been :~ttenrpteti to l)c cstabli~i~cd, ill ~rl~icl~ 1:llrourslrall be i~uircrsal, i ~ \rl~icl~r the l;t11(1 itnd all I)r~dueti\e11ro11crty ~liall I)e llcld 2r11tl cnjoycd ill conrlnttn, alrd i;r

~vlricli rights antl duties slr:~Il be as equal as tlre capl~ilitiesof nran under the best circumstances will admit of.In this in~provecl systcn,, tl~ere can be, from tlie nature ofthe principles on \rlrich it is founded, r~either rich nor~~oor, rreitlrer e~r~ployers nor e~nployctl, in the presentsense of the terms ; but a getreral equality of corltlitionant1 of political power will revai ail universally. lnstead ofpeople residing in irnl~cnltlry and incon~modious dwellingsu:~tl towns, lilic tirose at present esisti~rg, society will bedivitletl into iIn irltlefitlitc 11l1111bcr of cotnmunitics orfamilies, coml~rising fro111 1,000 to 5,000 indivitir~als, whowill d~vell and labour irr extensive and well-tlevisetl builtlings,:tnd ereat2 aud enjoy every jrcccssary ant1 Irlrury inthe greatest abilntlance. All ~~crsorrs will he etluc;~tctl i~ndtrairlcd in the I~est rn;rnncr tlrtrt Ltrowletlgc :itrtI es1)criencecan devi5e. The present forrils of ~OVC~IIIIICII~, with thewars and crimes ant1 follies existitrg in 1)erpettlal it11dindissolul~lc connection with them, will I J urrltr~owr~~ ; arrdthe terrors ant1 wrorlgs alihe of despotism ant1 anarchywill be feared anti suffcrett no longel.. A pure :~rrcirational liberty will be ~~nirersallp enjoyetl ; and everyrnan mill do :IS Ile \r.ould be done by, and love his treigllbouras Irimself. Thus situstetl- thus controlli~~g the gootland tire bat1 circun~star~ct~s n~hici~ surrounrl tirem, andoperated upon by none of tlle vile and p~tltry feelirlgs ~vlricl~nlore or less row influence all men-tl~c physical, moral,and intellectual c11ar:lctcr of every intlivitiual mill attainthe highest standart1 of 11tinr:ur esccllrnce, and all thepresent evils and 1 ices of society ~vill be entirely re-~noved.Rased on the great l)ri~~cil)le of llu~iian equdity ofrights, the social systenl of comn~unity of possessiorls will\r.orlt out its results by means of tlre foIlo\vi~~g arrange-Illellts :-1. Ar~ang~~irents for the ~)rodiiction atrd equable distributionof an unlimited qua~~tity of wealth.2. Arr:tngelnents for tlrc lthysical, moral, :~nd it~tellectnalculture of every member of society.3. Arrangemerits for tl~e proper gor-errrn~ent of societyat I;rrre.aUntler thcse tlrrce gencr:tl Ircatls nrny be in~l~lded everythingrclnti~rg to I)I;~II allrl Iris i~~stit~rtiorts. T11ey c~r~br:tccall tlrings tlr;lt ~I~IVC relitti 111 to lliv cxistct~cc itnd his ha])-pincss. Tl~ey are even t~ow more or lens kept is view bpall for they c:tnnot be lost siglrt of in any sociiiIsystem whatever.The first class of arrangements relates to the erection ofbllilc~ings for domestic, manufacturi~~g, and commercialpnrposes, in ~vhich shall be combined all that can conduceto tlrc preservat,ion of lrealtlr, and to production ; thecreation antl distribution of food and all other ltinds ofprocloce, tlle construction of ro;tds, railalys, canitls, mdall the various rcql~isites to unlimited prodnction andspeedy distribution.Under the sccolid Ilcnd arr comprised st~rli arraugernc~ltsas rcl;ttc to e(1ucntio11, in the fr~llcst sense of the tern1 ; tothe fortn;~tion of clr;ir:~ctcr upon the 1wst prir~~il)le~ i~ndfrom the best ~notlcls lttio\vu-tllc l~r;~ctirc as \vcll as theI;tio\r~letlge of nlorality :inti r11:lrity-tlre lore of truth,antl lirtue, :~n0 social Iritrrnony-t11e establisl~rl~cnt ofiristitutions for rclnsatiorr nntl nuruscnrcnt-and :111 otherreg~~lations having relation to social rights i~11tl duties, mdthe ,,roper development and tlirectiou of the powers ofbody nnb mind. -To the third class belong such arrangements as arenecessary to the proper regulation :~ntl governnlent otsociety ;-in reprd to tl~e devisirrg ant1 institrltirlg of the1,est lneans for theand ctistribr~tio~l of wealth ;the adjust~nent ofant1 corrsumption tlrrouglroutsociety at large, as \re11 as the commercial relationswith foreign countries ; tlie education and training ofindividuals, and the settlemcrlt of differences, and the protectionof clrildren and i~lvitlids ; and the devising afidestablishing of all other regulations having reference tothe control of production arid distributiorl, ancl the protectionof persons :~nd property.When thus forulcied, and contaitri~~g ,in perfection allthese arrangements, tlicre can be no doubt that such asystem \votild, from its>very nature, accomplish all that itis possible for the po\vers of Inan to achiere.In the system itself, as me11 as in the arrangements,there is nothirrg wrl~icll has not been Inore or less actedupon by man sluce his creation; ancl nothing .trhicli isincotnp;ltible with, or destrnctive of, tlie nlost perfectequality of rights. Tlrcre is rnercly an extensiou andclassification-not a creation -of principles. TI1 e corn-

LXUOUII'S REMEDY. 127man feelings autl ;ittacl~mcnts of IIIITII:~~ nilturc will bet~either dcstrnyctl tlor \~ci~ltcnc(l, but strengtl~cnctl :~nclesl)antled ~intil they cml)r:tcc niit ions :IS \\,ell ;IS individu;tlsand families. The production and distributiott of \sealtltwill not cease, and poverty and desolntio~~ overspreatl thelantl, brlt the mcst potent I)ourrrs which Itlitnan ingenuitycan conqlter will be mntlc to protlt~ce ne;ilth of every kintl,in quantities limitctl only by thc tlcsires of nlittt. Thcpeace of society \rill not be ~)crp~tt";~lly it~vndctl, at~tl mrtlleft to prey upon and slitughter c;lcll otltel., as is nom thecz~sc, 12ut a universal lorc ant1 harmony will esist tltro;1~11-out sbcicty, for all the calms of cliscortl \rill IJC ;innilti-1;itcd. C;overnrnctrt;ll tlcsl~otis~n i~tltl irrcsl)onsiljlc iu~tllorit~\r.ill not, its they t:otv (10, scizc! u11o11 thc protlucc ofintlustry :LII~ rt~le men e4tlr n rot1 of iron, hut tllcrc willexist n universal frcctloln, fo~~rlclctl on the most j)c:.fcctcqt~ality of riglrts, ant1 lteltl in s~~l),jcction by tltc ),@st ofall possiblc go~crnmct1ts-self-govcrrrn-lent. l'llcrc n.ill Ijcneitller tyr;cnny, nor slavery, tror crime, for tltc incentic7esto these thilrms h. will no longer have cr:istet~cc. There ~villlje no l)ossl~~lity of cltildhood rcn)i\itling unprotected oroltl age ~inprovitled for ; iil~d thns tl~c yot1t1g antl tlte oltln,ill be no Iongcr torture*l wit,lt thosc tlarlc visions of thefuture, ~vlricli no\v palsy tl:e 1)cttcr fcclitljis of so manyhearts, ant1 eml)itter the fen, allottcd holtrs of nlan's existcttcc.All these things, and all else t.hat are nttainal~lc,can be posscssetl ant1 clrjoyed by manltintl only untler!n.social systcm where 1nl)our is nnivcrs;ll, where lantl ant1capital arc I~cld in common, ant1 ~vherc equal rights andcq~izil litn,s n.ill be cnjopetl in the fullest extent.111 contrnst with s~tcl~ a stiltc of things, ~slt;~t docs tlleprcsent system offer ? Ere11 in its best a~ttl brightest 1)artsIIOW m~lcit is there \\ranting-in tlic ptircst ant1 most unalloyedemanations of charity ant1 love to n~lticl~ it can givebirth, honr coltl, and vitiaterl, and ~tnex~~andetl is cvervfeeling ! In the existing arra~lgemcnts for the cre:itiokand tlistribution of n~ealth, every tlti~~g is defective antlunjust. An inadcqu;lte quantity is proclucetl, and tltegreater part of this limited portion is enjoyed or wastetl I)ptliose \rrilo hare done little, ilnd thosc a,ho havc tlottenothing, to\r~nrds its creation. Ihr the worlting nlnn there,is no rcal ctljoyment, either 1)rcsent or prospective ; I~ut hislife's horizon is bounded by the \rrcll-1inoa.11 land-marlis of\Inpitied poverty antl ~lnnssisted dccrcpitudc. View the~)resellt system as ~vc will-cither in rcspcct to the crcatiollan() enjoymellt of \rrcilltll culltilirtn~l~ ~lltl ~tli\-cl.~;lllJ',tile certain ant1 aclecluate provision for all accitlcnts andco:)tillgcncies, tile gro~~tll and tlre 1)r:lctice of the higher.c,irtlles, tile ntlv:luccn~e~lt of the ;irts a11t1 sciences, and thefacilities for the attainment of intlivitlunl or univerhappiIlcss--thereis notlring in this system \r.l~iclt canbe regnrdC(1 as i~ stifhcient recommentlation for its continunrlcc.Every good ~vllicl~ is now enjoyctl c ~ n i)e likewisecnjoye(! under a systcn~ of comtnunity of 1)osscssionsant1 ecl~~;tlity of contlition ; ~rltile ill1 tltosc crvils wllic11 Howfrom tltc ~)rcsct~t ;~rr;~t~gctncnts of society will Ilc entirelycsc.i~~)ccl fron~, ;tlltl be felt ;lt~tl I~IIO\VII 110 lu~~gcr.Tltc llOlitical ccollon~ists ant1 cnl,it;ilists 11;ir.c tnatlc manyol)jcctiot~s to tlrc social systcun of cotnntrlr~ity of possessionsand ~(~ll;tlity of rights; nnd havc ntlviinccd rn:irIyarglltnc~lts to sltc\rr that the system ciu~uot be cstal~lisl~ed,or, if moment:lrtly sct to worli, can never IJC pcrn~anentlpacted upon. Some of tlteir'rcasons arc intentled to provethat tile pro(lllctive classes-the pcrsons most interested inthe ~otltern~latecl change-can never acc1lmr1l;ite sufticicntmoncy to Commcncc the new systetn, by tllc purchase ofthc fixed capitnl of tl~c collntry from tllosc \vho no\\. lloltlit ; that tltcy \\rill never be able to prevail upon tlte capitaliststo assist them in the enterprise ; that if isolatedcotnm~~nities be estallisltctl, they will ultitnately f;~il fromthe itnnror;llity or grncral bntl l~abits of the parties comprisingthem ; and tltnt, even if the nesr system mere partiallycomtncnccd in desl)ite of all these obstacles, tliecomtnunitics moulil fitil from the it1;tbility of their metnbersto cornpete in protluctiotr nritll that part of societyremaining tuntlcr thc prcscnt systcn~.The weight of these ol)jcctions can be determined onlyby ac impartial surrey of all the means which may bemade avniiable itt fo~\varding the co~ltctn~~lateclcl~angc, andcompleting it after it has been cornnlc~~ccd. To accomplishthe clrangc, and free Litbour from the (lominion ofCapital, it is necessary that the Innd and rcprotIt1c;))le\rcaltll of the country sl~oriltl be in possession of the n,orl;- .ing clilss. Tltcir cndeavo~~rs, tllcrcforc, II~IVC been chieflytlircctctl to the nccutnu1:~tion of a sum of money s~iflicientlylarge to enable n certain n~~tnl)er of persons to

128 LABOUR'S WRONGS .4MDpnrchase the land and fisetl capital of the conntry fromtllose who now possess it, that the nc\lr arrarlge~nc~ltsmight be in~mediatcly commencec1 hy the formation of atleast one social community. Partly, Ilon.cvcr, fro~n thegeneral ignorance ~vhicln prevails respecting the ellddesiretl, :u~d partly from the hostility of those classesinterested in maintaining the present supremacy of Capitalover Laborir, in no case 11;ls a s~~flicicnt furltl beet1 accunlulatedto afford a community any clr:lnce of success. Distrustant1 tlivision, also, have at timcs put n pre~naturc en(1to tlrese struggles, and the undert;ilring has endctl in contentionanti co~~fr~siort.Ihe ~)ro(luctive classes, from their present position in..society, arc ~teccssarily poor ; ant1 tl~crcforc no st of theirendeavor~rs to benefit thc~msclvcs hilve been, ill ;L greatdegree, cramped ant1 darnned at tltc very outset. Thereare, bcsitlcs, v:ist masses of worlimen in a st;~tc of sucllabject poverty-and poverty, too, daily ester~tli~lg in itsoperation :mil increasing in its intensity-that the accu-1nu1:ttions of whole generations of them \voultl advancebut little the estab!ish~nent of tlle system of community.But, notnitllstanilil1g 1111 these disadvantages, tllcrc aresufficient funtls at this moment in the hands of the variousoperative Benefit Societies in the TJnitctl Icingdom toestablisli several commur~ities tlircctly. The l:lte tratles'unions, also, nfl'o~d evidence of the power of the worliingclasses, poor as they are, to raise vast sums of money ; ant1althol~glt these sums sinli into insigniticance \r.l~en consideredas the means by \vltich a soci:ll systrrn is to he atonce s~~bvertctl, they are quite atleq~~ate to the comme~~cemeritof common-stock institutiolls. Tlr~ts, it is evitler~tthat it is in tlie ponrcr of the \vorl{ing classes, as a body, toset the new system ill motion I)y their own unaided endcavours-bytlle trifling s111)scription of even one penny perweek-and ~vl~en once fairly estitblisl~etl, it woultl untler-~iline the present system ill all directions, and bring itdown in ruins.In arlditio~l to the power thus inherently possessed bythe proilucers, there have at times been found, and tllerearc pet existing, wealthy capit;llists willing to assist in theg!orious \r.orl< of human emancil)ation from poverty andvlce. By the aid of a nurnber of such intlividuals, conrn~on-stockcorntnunities might be established, and ulti-rnately work out the end desired. It may be said, that,by the aid of sucl~ cal)italists, it conlln~~tlity IB~S OIIIY p;~rti;ll]yestablishetl--th:tt an al)~)rosin~:itio~~ n'ns made toIlnivers;ll labour an(! eqa:tl cschallgcs, because all themeinhers of the com~n~inity \rere to assist in l~roduction,ancl then erljoy in common the nrenlth prodl~cctl-thatbuildings \

tl~inh-, feel, or act precisely tlic same ; nor arc tl~c tl~nngl~ts,feelings, ant1 :tctions of tlrc satnc person invi~riitblc :ltltl~~nalteral~lc. Tl~~ts, \rlrile it is corlI'csset1 tlrat t!~erc is notnow amongst men that it~tcllectunlity, that ch;lrity, thatI~igh sense of I~onour, tl~tt gcnuitte morality, wrhich isessential to tl~c proper worliing of a system of cq~r;tlit~,-it cannot be tlenietl that, Ijy intermet!iate arrangeme~~ts,individuals may be sr~fficicntly irllb~~eil wit11 tl~ese recluisitequalities to cornmence the cl~at~~c.Insteatl of tracing tl~esc miscarriages to their propercause, the ca1)italists and ec.ol~onlists havc :lt once set t11emtlo~rn as the n:rt,ural ant1 incvit:tblc res~llts of evc1.y attemptto srtbvert tl~c present system alril cstablisl~ t:~e pri~~ciple~of equality. Tl~cy I~oltl them 111) as beacons to \rrarn tilediscontcntcd ant1 the charitnble of the I~opelessncss of tl~eircondition ant1 the fiitility of their cntleavours. But tllescfitil~~rcs to cstablislr ulliversal 1;tljour ant1 equal rcmutIer;itionhavc arisen fron~ ~~:trticr~I;lr circ~~mst;tt~ccs, well asccrt;linedand retnctli:~ljle ; :tnd sucl~ ~nome~~tary ill-sncccsscscan no more be regirc!etl as proofs of the impossibility ofestablishing and acting upon the system of equality, that,can the s!o\~*progress of sciellce in the early ages be considereifas indicative of tlre chi~~ierical ;ind worthlesscharacter of its great truths. There have never yet beensufiicient means-either monetary or nlornl-devoted tothe establishment of the new system, to afford a wellgroundedhope of success. To the causes of failurearising from insufhcient funds, must be added those causesdependent on tlie parties who ;~ttemptctl the change. Theindivicluals who entered the projcctctl con~mon-stock communityurere talien almost ~)romiscuously from the ~vorld atlarge, ant1 they carried with them their oltl feelirlgs, prcjudices,and Ilabits,--all of which \vcrc incompatible withthe existence of any Itintl of ctl~~ality, because, bcit~g partand parcel of the esisting system, they 1r7erc natumlly subvcrsircof any equi~lity wlliclr might be estallislletl.But, setting aside all tl~ese pecuniary diflicultics, ant1tl~ose which relate to the ntoral cl~nracter aucl amicableagreement of' the cotnmunica~~ts, it is contended by theeconomists, that tl~c sllccess of tlre new system is dependenton otllcr CitUsCS t11an citl~cr cllatigc of character ortile acquisition of a sufficient ci~pitill to commetlce cffectiveproceeclings; ant1 that., tl~ereforc, even if cammunitirsbe cstal,lisl~etl, tltey mrr:;t very sl,eetlily fail. Ti~liingsociety as tiley fintl it, \vitl~ its ~nl~ltifiiriot~s divisions, itscnml,ctition, itntl the rct1111rtl:mcy iulti I~ol~elcss poverty oftllc InlIourillg classes, the economists tn:~itrtain tt~at thosepersolls in ;l commrittity, :lltl~or~fil~ 1;il)ourin~ .? universnllyilntl elljo;.ing in common, will be no better oft ltl respect to:L1l the conlforts ;m(l Ir~s~rrics of life, t11:ur those \vl~o rernninIl~~cier tile 1,resctlt system. Re:~sot~ing thus, tlrey sa!? :-Acomnlrlllity must I)ro(luzc witl~in itself every article ofn,l~i~h it is in want, or it tnr~st protlacc :L comn~odity whichit c:ln cscllange for the :irticIc tlcsirecl. It is intendedtl~at tl~e 1al)our of tltose in co~nu~rruity s11:~ll not IIIIIC~Iesceetl the half oF tile Iitl,or~r I,erfortnetl by the \rorl;ers intl~c present systcn~ : if tl~cre be less I;il)o~rr tl~cre will bepropnrtion;ttely lcss 1realt11 creatcd, ruitl tlrereforc lcss toc:or~suunc, ilnd less to eschi~ngc for the articles nnntctl ;conseclllctrtl y, cotnmotlities \rrill kc nearly t\rfice ns tleiir incotn~~~r~~tity as tlrcy arc out-or in otl~er worck, \\,l~er~traclirlg \\lit11 the worltl at large, tl~osc in co~nmtuiity willreceive only I~alf as 1nuc11 of a co~nmodity, in excllangc fortlie proccetls of their labonr of six ho~rrs :L day, as tl~osewho arc not in commrrnity n,ill receive for tlreir t~rclveItours. If all tl~cwe;tltlr that is o!)t;titietl in cotnmunity beeciuitlly enjoyed, suc11 eqr~ulity in tlistrib~rtiorr will be norecotnperlse for the insutlicier~t clual~tity received ; and ifthe people ~vork long hours, ant1 prodrlcc more, their situationwill then, upon the whole, be litt!e better tlian that ofthose relnitilring under tlre oltl sjestctn. In respect totrading matters, it is not possil~lt! t11;rt the individrlal 1r11o~vorlts in comn~rlnity about sis 1io11rs n clay, should conipetewit11 the half-starved labo~~rer \

niajority of sntall farmers and m:lnuf:icturers can barelymake ends meet, even when they are proprietors, unlesssul~jectetl to constant labour ant1 anxiety.'l'he whole of these objections of the economists-fatalas they appear when levelled against an isolateii communityin a country sucli as Great Britain, and surrounded,as such community would be, by llostilc interests of everydescription-are po~r.erlcss w11en applied to the system ofcomn~unity of possessions as (I sysfem. A wl~olc artd apart arc! not S~IIOII~~TIOIIS terms ; and, in the present case,ttte objections applietl to the orrr do not in the least afrectthe otl~er. Society, in tile same manner as arc the intlivitlr~alsof whicl~ it is con~l~os~tl, is ar~tl ;~lw:~ys will 1)c madeup of many p:~rts, e:icl~ perf'orrnitrg its spccifictl d~~tics, ant1each part i~t(lispcr~sal~le to t1)e \veil-being of the whole.Tl~ere must altrrays be :irmngemcnts for the productio~~ ;lntltlistri1)ution of fi~otl and ncccssaries, ant1 also for the intel-1ectu:il anrl moral cultivatior~ of society at large, as ~vcll asfor the gor.cmrnent antl guidance of its mcn~bcrs. It willhappen in every cour~try, that, while one part is favourableto the production of food, another portion will be betteradapted to the manufacture of hartl~rare, or pottery, orcloth ; and upon the judicious management of these advnntages\r,ill depend tlre greater or less saving in the labourand time devoted to the production of ~realth. Thevarions difficnlties of this nature, therefore, which stand inthe way of tlie success of an isolated communiiy, can have,rlo existence in a s;l/sfem c?f co7nmu?~ilies.Besides, in comparit~g the relative position of parties inantl o11t of comnrunity, the eco~~omists assume that tl~osein a comn~unity will, by the present arrangemerits ofsociety, be compelled to contribute to the support of theunprotluctive classes not in the community. They thustake away the very essence and spirit of tlre system ofcommunity-its great ilistinguisl~ing features of universallabour and equal exchanges-ant1 the system of communitybecotnrs, in their Irantls, a mere modification of the prcsentsystem, and s~~firiug all the blirthens and wrongs enduredunder the existing system. The entire removal of alltllese social ant1 governmental imposts is one great chnracteristicof the system of community of possessions andeciuality of rights ; for, as a system, it will be destructiveof all suct~ grievances. 'I'he little expense incurred bygovernment mill 1)c in tl~cinstead oi tltepinislrment of crimc, and tl~c prevention instcat1 of theprosecution of w:v :~b.;iinst ncigllbouritrg states; for, untlerthe present system, tlre protection of persons and property,the carryirlg on of wars, antl the paynlcnt of tlebtsarising out of sucli wars, form tlte chief iterns in governmentalexpenditure.Tl~ese tl~irrg~, ilnd the institutions connected with tltctn,arc indissolubly bound 1rp wit11 the misting systcn~ ; andmay bc regartlet1 as the cl~irf tlood.g:~tes tllrorigl~ \rllicllthe ? rnrecdy slro;~ls of civil, crclcsi;~stical, :uld ~r~ilitaryvatnplres arc let in upo~t a pcol)le.r >1 ltt~s, :is a system, co~nm~~~rity of possessions will do for;L n;Ltioll tllosc tllings \rlticl~,\vit\! tile present SyStctll, c;mnotbc done untler any circi~~ilsti~rtces; ant1 it \vo111(1 bejllst ;rs mtional to poi~rt to the scvrrcd llenrl and limbs of iiman, ;ls evi(lcllces of his po~vc~-~cssncss, :IS it is tn jutlgc oftile results of the system of com~nut~ity by the feebleoperations of an isolated portion of it.Commurtity of possessions is in every respect the mostperfect form of society which man can institute, and ittl~erefore requires a corresponding degree of excellence inthe c1iar;tcter and qualities of all 1v11o enjoy its influence.That mo(lificatio11 of the principle of community andequality already considered, which unites society at largernto one great family, where tl~ere is nothing but harmonyand love, is the last rentove which n~an cart malteto~varils perfection. It niap he said, therefore, that we migl~ tas v~cll expect to bcl~dcl tlie fly to spring I I ;kt ~ once from themaggot, as expect that Inan can b' vo 1)y one remove, fromthe prcsent systetn into one so tiiss~~rrilirr in all its parts asis the system of conimurrity. 'Tl~c worm n,liicll is takenfrom nmiilst putrcscency \oil1 defile all tl~ilt it to~lclies, aridstinl; ~vl~ercver it may be placetl,--and yet it contains inembryo the plumed ;lr~tl g ~r~dy insect ml~tcll is to sport intlre sunbearlr and dance upon tlie breeze. It is time andcircumstanr.~ wlticll bring about tlre change : by successivesteps does the transfortnatioll progress, antl the last removecoml)letes tltc work.So, lil;ervise, must it be with man. Tlie foul andlontltsome selfisllness n,hich now more or less accompaniesevery action, clings to evcry tl~ought, and pollutes everyaspiration, is part of tlie system in uhich rrlau has for so

134 I,?\ ROUR'S I\'ROTi\'GS ANDmany ages moved. Daily esl)ericncc proves tl~at the prcser~tsocial system is :iltogetlrcr r~nfavoural)le to the attainmentof :t l1ig11 stantliird of excelle~lcc ill rcgnrd tocharacter-that its customs, and motles of action tIlr011g11-out, tend only to generate corrupt feelings and bad practices,and to bring into play tlie lowest an11 the worst ofman's fac~lltics. Every step to tlic establishment of abetter system m11st bc maile by tlrosc mllo hare grown up~~ntlcr tlie present system, ant1 wlro arc, therefore, niore orless imbuctl with t11c tlepravitp and ill-feelings wllicl~ thissyste~n gencr;~tcs. A mere Itnou~ledge of the 1rrinci~)lcs ofeq~t~tlity is not the o11ly rctlliisitc for tile csti~l,lisl~mcl~t ofcornml~l~ity of ~)ossessiolls. Tllerc ~n~ist lilicwisc exist tl~crctlr~isitc fceli~~gs ;tncl 1norr11 c!l~nliticts, all \vcll tlcvcl(~~)etl,:111(1 ;~~comp:~nied 1y l~igl~ intellectual powers. If, then, a.cllangcd clraractcr IIC csscnti~l to the success of the soci:~Ispstctn of community in its most 1)crfcct form-ancl if,lil;c\r,ise, tlrc ])resent systcrn :~ifortls no circ~~mst:inces :ind110 f:tcilities for efictilig the requisite change of (:llaracter,ant1 preparing Inan for thc higl~cr and better state dcsiretl-it is cvide~rtllilt things il~ust nccessaril!~ rernaili :is they:ire, unless orre of two methods be adopted. Either thosenfl~o commence tlic new system must be possessetl ofaccnn~ulatiorrs of c;tl)ital sufticient to overcome the tlrawbacltsof erery liind imposed by the present system, untilthe superior circumstances created by tile new system shall11:tve clone their xvorl:, and generated a race of I~umanibeings ~videly difFererit in cllaracter ant1 habits frorn tl~osewho no.rr exist;-or clsc some ~~rc~paratory stel) must bediscovered autl ~n;itlc use of-some ~novement partakingjrartly of the present al~tl partly of the clcsired spstemsomei~~termedi;rte resting-l)l;ice, to url~icll society may gowith all its far~lts and a11 its fi~llics, and from \vl~icl~ it maymove forn.al.c!, imbr~ctl wit11 those qualities and attributeswitl~out whiclr the system of comntr~~~ity and equ;ility callnotas sl~cl~ 11avc existence.W11et1 o~lcc fairly sct in nrotion, a new social systemmust, from the operation of :r la\v of nntrlrc constant :intiinvarial)le, generate met1 and lnotles of action ill :leeordancexvitli its own n:~turc a~ld protcctivc of its own existence.Tl~erc is in all things :L f'ac~~ltp of action and ~.c:tctio~l,wfiicfl, did no estrar~eous ir~tcrferenccs occur, woultl prerelitall othcr cll:tnges, ;111(l st:tmlr with perpetuity tl~ingsas thcp arr, or \rrere. Tl~is I)rcdisl.rosition to contim~nncris no more than a, n~otlification of that im~nutilble law 1ry~r.IiicIl liltc causes .cr.oultl be compelled to produce likeeffects. But carlses are not, and ncrcr can be, prccisclp;,like, and therefore eRccts are ilevcr exactly tl~e same.To be a like carrsc, one cause must opcr:ttc ;~tlie sametime, in tlic same place, upon the same tl~ings, in the samemanner, and under all tlre circumstances ill ~vlliclr sonleother c:ulse is acting-the srlpposition of n-l~ich is nhs~~rtl;tnd incomprchensiblc. Tl~l~s, i~ltl~ougl~ it is the natr~rc ofthe present soci;~l systrni to generate cl~nr;~ctcrs nut1 insti-, 'tr~tiot~s in itgrcclncnt wit11 itsrlf, i111t1 ~~rot~ctiveof itsdf,tlre cotnmoti ;tOcrr;ttior~ of c;~~~s;~tiol~ is slo\r.ly but irrcsisti-Ijly ~)rogrewinfi, ;tn(l ge~~er;~ti~~g ill its COII~SC II(*\V forces;~r~tl new orgt~~ic tlistr~rl);uices, \vl~icl~ 111ust inerit;tl)ly brill:.on decline, :ind ilissoll~tion, and re~o~~il)ositioii. TIIIIS risenntl fill1 ;ill systclns-t1111s arc crcntctl i111t1 tlcstrn!rcd allbeings-tlitrs arc fr;~tncd ;111(1 s~~bvcrtcd :dl iltstit~~tions.With regarti to tl~c instit~~tion of tlie social system ofcommunity of posscssio~~s and equality of rig-llts, it ispossil)le, from tlie natilre of tlic change, and from a considerationof nltat l~as at times been done 1)y them, that itmay r~ltimately be accoinplisl~ed even ,by the unaidedentleavollrs ancl small s:tvings of tlrc wol-liir~g classes ; antithat it niigllt, also, in course of time, be effectctl hy thepartial union of the capitalists nit11 the protlncers; andthis, too, xrithout political or soci:~l disturbances, or anyimmediately ~)crceptible ctFcct upon the existing 1an.s ;tndnrra~tgemc~~tc of society at large. I31lt tlie es~~erieirce ofill1 tirnes goes to sl~cw, t11:lt no cntcr~)rise can be regnrrlctlas secure of accoml)lisl~mcnt, if it tlcpcntl for success onthe self-ilcnial of masses of people, xrl~o, living almost fromhantl to mo~~tlr on tlie protl~rc.~ of tlicir I;ibour, ant1 I~arasseaby tlre perpetual citlls of a family for s~rl~sistc~~cc, aremade by their position the slnrcs of the ~nonient, and arcincapacitatccl from taking n111c11 from tlrc present to provideitgnirlst tlie fi~ture. Tl~e caliitalists ant1 econo~nistsare perpetually advising tl~c productive cl:~sses to liveabstemiously, a11d ho;trd UP every triflc which car1 be screwedfrorn tlicir stomncl~s or their baclis; but sue11 cor~nscl,l~owcver good it mily be, liercr c;ir~ bc :~ctctl upon to LIII~great extent, for it is not in 11u1n;rn n:itt~re to go on untilcleat11 lilte a mere n~aclii~lc, if tltcre bc allictl wit11 it any

degree of feeling or intellectuality beyond that of a beastof burthen. Rlaltc men susceptible of enjoyment, eitheranimal or intcllectr~al, and that will they seek for andobtain, despite of consequences ; and so lor~g as a poor classis stlrrountied by the example of a rich cl:tss, :lnd exposedto every ten11)tation 117llicl1 depraveti ingenuity can inventto excite and gratify factitious :varrts, it is in vain to hopethat the allurements of the senses can be withstooil, u111essthere l~e created motives more power fill than those arisingfrom the mere chance of enjoying a better social positio~~at sonle rcnlote pcriorl. Desultory :tnd isolated entleavoilrsof mere fractions of society, lilte~vise, from theirvery ni~ture, are much more lilcely to fail than to succcetl ;and tflat SIICII cffi)rts cilrl I)c little else than tlesultory ant1isnl:ltcd, is apparent from the fi~ct, that a v;lst :LII~I progressivelyincreasing portion of society, from their positiortand the clearth of means at their tlisposal, are so incxtrica,bly bound up with the p~scscnt system, that only a generalmovernent of the comrnuuity at large can effect theircleliverance.That no means of effecting the desired change may bewanting, we mill now consider another plan of operationslvhich,u~l~ilc it contains all the essentials of t!le modesalready reviemctl, is free from their defects, in respect tothe time in which the change may be accomplishetl, therlumhers n~llo \sill he ;it once included in its benefits, andthe facilities rvhich it affords for taking society just as it,is, withoat materia! nlterktion either ~II human character,or domestic arrangements, or the existing modes of creatingor distribnting wealth.As a fir5t step to the consideratiorl of such an intermediatesocial chnngr, we \rill examine into the nature andoperation of that first great element of the power of thecapitalist-MOYEY. Sac11 a review, while it will tend toer~force yet stronger upon the worlting class the necessityof a change of spstcn~, will at the same time acquaintthen1 with the secret of the almost omnipotent migl~t ofthe cal~italist ; and enable them to perceive how easily thispower lnay be wrested from him, al~tl made to subserve thegreat cause of human exilltation and llap1)iness.CHAPTER X.TI-IE NATURE AND USES OF RIONEY.Fnolr the gcncri~l fililure ~vhich 11ns heretofore attendedall politici~l ;~rltl soci:il for ;ul~cliorating the contlitionof the working cl;~sses of the United Kingdom, theecononlists, as is d:lily seen, 11i1w i~cquiredincreased fitit11 in their own cioctriues of iueq\lnlity, and amore co~~tirn~ed assurance that no other than their greatremedy of restricting Labour to Capital can effect theobject aimetl at. We have seen that these inerl cor~templiltenothing more tll;ln \rrllat they conceive to be theimprovement of the present systeni-that they lvould keepthe whole hnm;ln race tlivitleci into two classes-into richand poor, or capitalists and producers--tl~e one class \vallowingin ~~ealth, ;trl(l tl~e other placed just beyond "theverge of starvation." They (lo not expect that a man ofthe latter class shoulit eat ;t meal until he has producedtwo-one for labour, and the other for " profitm-one forthe \vorlcman, ant1 the other for his employer, the capitalist.They would, therefore, have no Inore workers thancould be " profitably employed" by the capitalists-or, inotllcr ~roriis, they \vould limit the future increase of the~rorliing cl;tsses, mltl starve or transport to foreigncountries all n.hom they, by the capital now in theirpossession, could not find employment for.Such, it has been alreatly sllg\vn, is the remedy of theeconomists and capitalists; anit that it may better workout its results, these men, wit11 a cold-bloocled and calculating"liberality," mould remove all governmerltalrestrictions regarding the Ilours of labour, thc wages ofu.orltrnen, and the trade to other nations. The state ofsociety whictr urould be incluced by such n remedy as this,

may easily be conceivctl of; for it nroald present few featuresdiffering from the present. Tltcre would be, asthere no\v is, a high cl:iss nrrtl a lolr, class-tl~c formercnjoying the creatcr I)i~rt of tllc 1r.cslt1t proiiuced by thei~lcessant activ~ty and toil of the Iattcr.It call only Ijc consitleretl that the economists ant1 capitalistsarc a(-tuatcd by tllc most insane stuj)iclity, in supposingthat ~llcll a systen~aticillly r~njtlst rlivision ofsociety as that \rlhicl~ now csists, trlo~~ltl be toleratetl byt!le ~vorliing c:lasscs after its vilcnc\s ;u~tl injusticc hat1I~cctl pointctl out to tllr~n. Were nrcn like steamenginesformetl to toil on, until tlissolution, wit:;ol:t feelingantl \rrithortt thought-they n~igl~t t!t~ts be metlrotlicallyworlictl to death, or st;irvctl, or cspatri:~tcil ; br:t rrten areir~tclligcnces-they Itave I~railtr as well ils I)oncs ant1sinelvs-ant1 when they s~~fir wrrorlgs, they look aroundfor ~.ctnctlies.Kl~owirig that I:il)our ~vas tltc sollrcc from v.llcncc aroseall capital-and sccing that the raw m:iterial of capitalwas in abuntlance on every side, awaiting the power oflabour to produce the required tr;insfc~rmation-it isstrange that the economists, when they stumbleif uponthcir rcmetly of restricting popululion and lahollr to theexisli~~g mnnls of capital, never disroveretl the equallyobvions and far more natural ant1 practicable plan ofincreasing capitol ill proportion to the growing wants ofpopulation and lahour. A I~rief consideration of thenature of capital will at once shew the practicability ofeffecting this great object, ant1 thereby do away with thosesocial evils \vllich now directly arise from the disproportionrvhicl~ ap1)arortly exists betweet: capital an(! labour. Itis thc present arrangements of socicty, ant1 not any real(1isprol)ortion bctfvectt pop~ilatio~l and the means of em-~)loyntent, ivlrich cause so many to pine in idleness, or tosacrifice Itealth in unremitting toil.r.I lte review \vlticlr has been taltetr of some of the attemptsmade to subvcrt tlre present system, ltas shewn us thatthese efforts have failed chiefly, if not entirely, from theinatlec,uate amount of moncy tlevotetl to the pulpose. Asmoncy, then, is the one thing necdfi~l-the first thinguecessary to the success of every enterprise \vhicll has forits ol~ject cithcr the amentlmcnt of the present systen~ orthe institiltion of a new one-~r.llat is money? Wltat areballI

from this founclation, no value whatever; while others,again, regard both gold and banlc-notes merely as repre,sentatives of things protlnced, or fixed ca1)ital. But,notwithstanding the discrepancy of opinion and the confusionof ideas which prevail upon the sribject, the manwho is in possession of the sum of &10,000, either in goldor bank-notes, is considered by the \vorld at large to bejust as wealthy as he who is possessed of houses ormachinery to the same amount; for it is well-known, that,by the custom of society, the gold and the bank-notes,inherently worthless as they may bc, will procure for theirliolders either houses, food, 01. macliinery, to the fullamount of the nominal value of the gold or notes.The political economists say that " Capital is hoardedlabor1r"-" C;cpital is sorncthing produced with a view tofurther protluction;" and they divide capit;il into threekinds-into implements of I:lbour, material 011 m11ict1labour is employed, and srlbsistc~~ce of labourers- the firstbeing termed fixed capital, and the second and thirdreproducible capital. This definition and division altogetherexcludes gold, silver, and bank-notes; for it isevident, from the nature of these things, that they haveno necessary connection with tlie real capital or wealthspecified. Neither gold, silver, or notes can be regardedas implements of lsbour, material on which labour isemployed, or subsistence of labourers. Thus money andcapital, although often used as synonymous terms, are inthemselves widely different: for money of every kind is,in reality, no more than a representative of real cal~ital-athing personifying or standing in the place of houses,in~plements, or food. It is solely on this account, and notfrom any illherent quality, that money is valuable; for bymeans of money, men are enabled, in greater or lessportions, to malie use of the real capital which they possess.Were there no such thing as money, the man whohad a house, or any other valuable or bulky comn1odity,could nlnke little or no use of it in the n7ay of exchange :he could not give a part of it to the miller for some flour,and another part to the tailor for some clothes, for theywould not trade upon a system involving such inextricableconfusion among all parties. But this trouble and inconvenienceis entirely removed by the invention of money;by means of which, whether gold or bank-notes, a man can28 it arere split up his house and other capital into innumerablefragments, and exch;u~ge or devour it piecemeal.From this n~utual relation bettrreen cal)ital and Inoney, thetwo have become commonly identified, 2nd money is miversal]yas equally valuable with real capital orexisting produce ; but it is plain that money owes all itsestimation tousages, and that it is 110 Inorethan an instrument for effecting exchanges.Money is to capital, or real ivealth, what the alphabetis to written 1;inguage ; and as the latter consists lier relyof a number of arbitrary signs, signifying certain sounds,so in like nlanner (lo coin and bnnli-notes, ill larger orsmaller rluantities, signify ho~~ses, or in~l)lenlcnts, or food,or ilnytlling else. The ;~lplrilbets of ill1 I;l~lgu:ige~ ;ire s ~fficientlyextensive to be made, by various co~iibinirtio~is ofthe letters composing them, to express every variety ofsound coutaiiied in these laugunges : the letters are neithertoo few nor too many. But in our lilolletary nll)llitbetwe have never vet follo~ved this simple and natural plan ofapportioning tl;e means to the end. We have sutfered itto remain deficient in every respect. 3Ioney, it it istrue, has but one sound, and that sound signifies everything-asfar as it goes ; but tlie money now in existencewill no more represent all that should be thus personified,than can the letters g o be made to spell good. We map atpresent represent a horse, a house, a city, or a county-wemight exchange these things wit11 each other through theinstrumentality of this money-and then we sliould kcompelletl to stop, for tlie money ~roultl be srvallowed up,and all the wealth remaining mould hare no;representatire,and no medium through urliicti it might be furtherdivided or exchanged.Such, then, being the true nature of money, it is apparentthat any material agreed upon by tlie con~~nunity atlarge-whether gold, silver, iron, pottery, or paperwouldanswer every purpose for \rhich money is required.It is not necessary that there shoultl be gold, and that thegold should be a foundation for the paper. A11 that isreqrlisite for the issuing of paper-money, or any othermedium of exchange, is that there sliould be actual produceof sonle kind for it to rest upon. There are in theUnited Kingdom upwards of three millions of buildings,we are possessed of above one hundred and fifty thousand

vessels of various descriptions, and jve Irare liltewise aniltltnensc quantity of implements ant1 ~rr;icl~inery of differentkinds. All tllesc things arc real capital-somethingto assist in further 1)rotluction. Tlle w!role of this nrealtllllas beerr calc~rlated to be trlortll above five thousand nlilliotisof poutrds sterling. But, under tile presetit systctn,this enorlil(Jus Inass of capit:rl cannot be said to triive allyre1)resentative \rjl~atever; for there is not ir~ the pation ;Isun1 of money ecjuivalent ever! to one Ilu~lrlretl tniiiio~t~sterling; :itr(l yet tl~e whole of tlr1s capital, if neccssory,might I,c rc~)resc~lte(l just its easily as a 1)al.t.,Ill~e cotnl)ar;ttir.cly smidl ;LII~~IIII~ of 111ot1ey r~o\rf in eirculation,wit11 its collst;lr~t fluctuation, exposes ;ill nletr tomarly ilrjusiic.es, arltl girtcs rise to n~licll of tile ineqr~;tlit~of contlitiotl observed around us. ~lltllougl~ it Iras Iorrgbee11 ktlo\vl~ tliltt tile n~orc money tlrcre is in circulation,the better it is for tr:ile-;i~;d t11:it a scarcity of morlcy illvariablytnaltcs Irusitiess tlull-the cco~~onrists ]lave nevervet devised any cffectua! plan for creating n suliiciency ofmoney. Cost of protluctiorr, the true stantlard of cschaugcablevalue, is often, uder tlic present system, co~nplrtclylost siglit of; and tl~e value of things is rcgulatetl by tl~etlre greater or less qtrat~tity of money there is iir circulation.For example, a house wlriclt at otre time is nrortltone tl~ousiintl poullds, is, at another time, worth only nine11u11dred-and this, too, \r,l~en houses arc just as necessaryand as truly valual)le at the one time as at the other. Tl~us,~if half of tlle 1)eople in the United Kingtlon~ u~islicd to disposeof their llouses and lands at the prcseut ~nornent,li)r thep1ir1~ose of emigrating, they woultl rrat bc able to sell tllcn~.':here is not enough of money in the wl~ole \r,orltl to purchasethem; and, upon the presrnt principles ant1 systcn~of trading, antl tlrc present actiorl of' tle~r~and ant1 srl~)l)ly,the sum whicll a.oultl pivclrase one Iinllsc at the bcgi~:ningof such a sale, ~voultl ol~tain fiftv at the cotrclusior~ !JA national metlium of esclrange, or money, in a socialsystem where money is requsite, should be it1 sufficientquantity to represerlt tJre whole of tl~e n:ttioual fixed capital-thehuiltlings and n~ncl~inery of every kitiil-~vhicl~can he made availaljle in further productiotr. The rcal or.illherent value of the circulatit~g medium itself is a matterttf no monlent. Tlre only rcrlusite qualities in mot~cy arc,tl~at it should bc difficult of irnitutiotr, l~ortablc, caliablc 0:'re13resenting !arger or smaller values, and durable, or easilyrel)laccd; and there is no kno\vn sllbstance wl~iclt possessesss gre;lt aof tl~csc clualities as paper.The durability which is so requsite to a medium in con.stallt circulation-~u~l~ as tlie l~rescnt silver and coppercoinage-miglrt be secured by the i~~trocluction of a currencyof pottery. In the present state of science, a beautifilln~edium of this character might easily hcreated; ;~nd n.llile it \vould 1)ossess every requisite of gold,silver, all(l copper, it lnigl~t be producetl at infinitely lesscost, in unlimitecl qi~antities. :lricl ~oulil be subject to noneof tlrc fiuctuittio1ls I! llicl~ rlo\rr corltinuir1Iy take pl;~ce in conseqlle1lceof tllc tra~lsmissioll ~f tllc 111ctals from one countryto alrotl~cr. Gold rund silver arc even tlo\v irll~lost unncccssaryfor trans;1ctiug the esclrntiges bet\~cctr Greiit firitnil1and otller ni~tions ; and, ~undcr tllc systeu~ of con~tnutlity,tlley lllight be tot;rlIy t1isl)etrscrl witlr. Tl~ese metals nowfloar fronl country to country more in tlrc slrilpc of cornmoditiesthan iri 1)aymetrt for debts u.lriclr Ilave bee11 contracted;and this fluct~latioli, togetl~er with their cost ofl)roduction, and tlre expenscs, attentlant on their constantcoinage all(1 re-coinage, render them totally untit for tllecomposition of a circulating ntediunt.Nations have never yet acted up011 an! truly systematiclair witli resprct to their tnediunl of escltat~ge. Pcoplcseltlo~n think of inquiring Irow it COIIICS to pass that a smiillbank-note will buy a suit of clotlles, \vllen a newspaper,fifty times ;is large, \\,ill not purcI~ase a loaf of bread. 'l'11iscircumstance does not arise from the 11rel10nderating inherent\due of the bank-note-for it is not, of itself, wort11so lnilc11 as the ne\rsl);~~)cr--but it owes its origin sintplyto the convention;~l usages of society. The note lras been'created as a, substitute for goltl; itt~d cornmon consent 113sstamper1 it wit11 it fictitious, a merely representative value,altogether distinct from and indel)entlent of its o\vn intriusicvalue; and were the positior~s of tlie bank-11otc antl tlrcnewspaper reversed, the latter woultl ~)erform all tlrc servicesnorv re~ltlered by the fol.mer. It is lo a like conventionalusage, more tlran to any sl~ecitic properties of itsown, tllat gold is indebted for its long-l~laintaincd supremacyiinti its ~nivers;rI estil~~:~tiolr. 1Vlre11 coined, I,o\irever,it can be rcgardctl only as a rel)rescntatire of rcal cal)itnl ;and ;LS tlre gold thus rcprcsc~lts the cal)it;tl, rund tllc bat~li-

All these considerations respecting the nature and usesof money open a vast field of action for the prod~ictiveclasses, and point out a path by which all their presentmiseries map be escapeti from, and themselves cfelivereclfrom the solll-blighting dominion of the capitalist. Theymill find the knowledge of this simple subject to be one ofthe strongest levers which can ever be made use of bythem for the subversion of the present system.Scarcely a year passes without bringing forth a noisefrom the camp of the enemies of Labour, respccti~ig thccirculating medium, or tlic " currency." This squabblingand uproar arise \rl~ile it is being dctcrniined between tlietwo parties, wlietl~er the landllolder capitalist or the commercialcitpilalist sl~all have the greatest portion of thenational sl)oil. The working classes are supl~osed to havenothing to do with the matter, their interests are in no wayconsnltcd, nor can they gain anything by the succcss ofthe one or the other tlivision of the capitalists; but werethe present monctitry system clearly scen into by the productiveclasses, they would take care to have a voice inthe decision of the question. Devise what he may, it isi~npossible for the ingenuity of Inan to create any instrumentwhich ~vill enable him to exercise snch power over11is fellow-man as he now obtains by means of the systemof banking, or the creation antl issue of money. This constitutesthe great armoury from whence the capitalistsderive all their lveapons to fight with and conquer the \~vorliing class; ant1 so long as they have this mightyengine of good or evil at their disposal-so long as thepower of making and issuing money is usurped by particularclasses, independent of other classes-the moneyedclass can bid defiance to political associations, and tratles'unions, and all similar institutions having for their objectthe amelioration of the condition of the worlting class,and the effecting of their deliverance fron~ tlie chains ofcapital.That this part of tlic sul~ject may be more clearly seeninto, we have only to examine what the econo~nists themselvessay with respect to money:-"The tirne iost andthe trouble incurred in the way of barter, is avoided bythe adoption of a ~ncdium of excl~angc-that is, ;I coninloditygenerally agreed upon, which, in order to effect aneschar~gc between two other commodities, is first receivedin exchange for tlie me, and then given in exchange fortile otller." Suc11 is the account given by the econmistsof the nature and intention of money. I11 this brief]listoryJ llowever, the first steps of the transactions arekept out of anil tlie last part only of tlie movementis brought view. It is not said who originally producestllis " commodity generally agreed upon"-thismoney-aIld gives it in exchange for thejrsl commodity;nor is it tol(i wl~o creates this first commodity for whichthe money is give~l. Three parties only are ilp~~iwentlpcngLged in the transaction-the first having in his possessionthe "cornn~odity generally agreed upon," and thesecond an6 thirtl liolding the comn~otfities n~lticll they wishto esch:ingc. Nercin lies the knilvery and mystery ofbanltiug and money-mnliing.The trne and only meaning of tlic quotation just giren,is, tl~at ccrtili~~ ;)artics protlilce or make a ~nediurn of exchange,or money, for which tlie!~ receive conlmodilies.Now, if the medium of exchsngc thus give11 for the cotnmotlit:/be of equal value with tl~e commodity, the exchangeis a just one; but if it be of inferior value, or of no valuewhatever, the transaction is a robbery on tlre pnrt of tlioseby wl~oni the medium is m:~de. For tnro things to be ofequal value in exchange, their cost of protluction must beequal. The common circ~llating medium is composed ofpaper and gold-the first all but worthless, and the lastderiving its chief value from the quantity of labour reqiiiredfor its production. We have already scen that thecapitalists do not labour, antl that, consequently, they canproduce nothing; bnt as tlic gold can be originally obtainedonly by means of laljour, the capitalists can have nothingto do with its production. The gold, however, has comeinto posscs~ion of tlie capitalists; anti therefore they must,in their exchanges, either llavc dcfrnucled the parties whoat first produceti the gold, or else they I~ave defral~ded theparties from whom they obtained the com~noilities givenby them in exchange for the gold. The barbarities andinjustice connected with the production of gold are notoriousenor~gh ; but it is the secorid transaction nrl~icl~ morenearly concerns tlic productive cl:lsses of the Uniteti Icingdorn.The present circulating medirun, then, as the economistsconfess, is made by a class of capitalists calleci bankers-someof them acting indepentlentl y, and others in

connection with the established gorernmenLand for thismedium of excl~ange, or money, it is acknowledged thatthe bankers receive commotlities of certain parties.These second parties, in turn, exchange tlie money forother commodities front some third party; and upou thesarrle principle, of giving value for value, the exchangegoes on among all s~lcceeding parties. Thus real value isrendered in exchange for real value in every case exceptthe jrst transaction-that between the hanker and theperson who receives I~is metlium-and in this first negociation,;~ccoriling to the showing even of the economists, tl~ereis a vile and cunning robbery com~nitted upon t11c prorl~ictiveclasses ; for it ~)lainly ilppears that the makers of themedium -the banlicrs, cilpitalists and otl~cr feeders lip011the industry of the working cl;~ss-render no real eqzrivalentfor the commodities which they receive in exchangefor their meclium. The great majority of the Irorrowet-rof tltc medium belong to the same unprotluctive class itsthe makers of it; and the wealth which they give as interest,or as an equivalent for the use of the money borrowed.is what thev have nreviouslv obtained from theworking class, by me'ans of dnequal ;xchanges! Thus the~)roductive classes give to the banking and the tradingcapitalists their labour-their very sweat ar~d blood-and.the latter give to them, in excl~angcmhat? They givethem a shadow-a rag-a '< bank-note !"The creation of a circulating medium is, under thc 'present system, just as much a trade as the making ofshoes or hats. A person, or a number of persons, withor without property, can at any time establish a bank andissue money by conforming to certain regulations. Forinstance, a thousand 1)ersons join together to establish ajoint-stock banit, which is to bc posscsscd of a capital ofthe value of &1,O0O,OOOJ in one thousand sitares at&1,000 each. If tl~ese parties possess, or be supposed topossess, real property of the value of their respectiveshares, they can forthwith make and issue bank-notes ofthe nominal value of one million of pounds sterling,although there may not be amongst the whole of t11emeven the one-thousandth part of this sum in gold. Thebank-notes, however, imply that they may at any time heexcl~anged for gold at the banlt from whence they havebeen issued ; ant1 tl~ey are taken by the public on thissecurity, although it is almost universally known thatthere is never in the coffers of a bank one-half the quantityof gold wl~icll would be required to cash the notesissued. It is supposed that there is in the haniis of theproprietors real capital or created wealth which will atany time sell for tlie whole su~n issued by the bank ; andhundreds of persons daily cleposit their hard-earned savingsin these banks on a security whicl~, jn innumerableinstances, has been found utterly wortl~less, and thefailure of which 11as bror~ght ruin antl beggary on thousands.When tlie bank con~~ticnces operations, a farmer ortradesm:w, whether \\,it11 or witl~out property, can, if ofgootl crctlit, get ~III adrancc of ban1;-notes from the b:~nkers.For the use c~f these notes 11e gives to tl~c bankers a SIIIIIvarying from five to ten pountls per I~r~ritlred on the moneyborrowed, according to the time the money is liept by Ili~n.Thus, if a man borrow tl~c sun1 of &100 for a twelvemonth,at ten per cent. interest, he pays to the banker, atthe expiration of this time, tile sum of 21 10-therebygiring $10 more than he received. According to thenumber of hrron-ers the bankers have in this manner,they become more or less ricli ; and, if a capital of£1,000,000 be fully employed, at five per cent. per linnum,it mill yearly bring in the sum of £5,000-and this, toowithout labour of any kind on the part of the mere proprietors,and wit11 very little detcrio~*ation of the originalstock ! The persons who borrow the notes-whethertradesmen or speculators-set other men to work bymeans of this money, or buy cemn~odities wit11 it at a lowprice and sell them at j high price ; ant1 thus, no matterwl~ether it be by giving a lolv price for labour axid sellingits 1)roduce at a 11igl1 price, or by piwcl~asing com~noditiescheap and selling them dear, the trades~nen and speculatorsare not only enabled to give the banker Ell0 forthe £100 borrowed from him, but they are also enabledto live in affluence with little or no labour of their own.Here it is seen, at a glance, IIOW it 11alq1eris that suchenormous fortunes-sucl~ millions and 11illf-millions sterling-areacquired by men wlto originally possessed notone penny, antl who have never produced real ~~eiiltl~ ofthe ralue of one farthing. Such is the system of banking-such is thc manner iu which this system benefits llrore

who make the medium and those who borrow il; and thismode of creating and using morley is alone suficient, indefiance alike of trades' combinations antl political changes,to keep the mo~.king class the slaves of thd capitalists untildoomsday.This great wrong is part antl parcel of that social system,through the instrumentality of lvhich the productiveclasses are annually plunc\creci of wealth to the amount ofthree hundred millions sterling. It is one of the manifestationsof the principle of ~~nequd excltanges-it is oneof the masterly inventions frarnctl to cloak and conceal tiletrenclreries of Capital towards L:~baur. So long as moneyis thus rrlailc and-issued and horro~~rctl I)y indivirluals anctclasses, it will tend to indivitl~~al ant1 cl~~ss 1)cricfit-it willseparate socicty into rich idlers and poor workers-it willbind Labour in fetters as durable as the system itself.Daily cspcrience, apart from any reasoning on the subject,teaches all men that the power of the capititlist doesnot arise from any mental or physical superiority possessedby his class over other classes; for, as a body, this class isnotoriously deficient in the higher attributes of existence.They are po~verful simply because they are possessed ofmoney-the representative of the things which the workingclasses have produced-for this money always cnab!estlre capitalists to command everything which is representedbv it, Thousnnds of instances are on ofmen of very meagre capacity commencing and carrying onimmense businesses, and growing enormously rich, simplyby means of borrowing tl~e representative-and Lorrowingit, too, from parties ajterwardsproverl to have Leen as destituteof real wealth cis the Lorrowers themselves mere!But the whole of the n~ealth acquired in this nianrrertheper centage of the banker as well as the profit of thetradesman an11 speculator-comes entirely from tlre productireclasses, and is obtained from them by means ofunequal exchanges. The present system throughout afforcisthe capitalist every possible facility for preying upon theproducer; for it is a vile compound of conventional usageswhich enable him to grind, without ceasing, the fam oftlre working man.There can, under the present arrangements of society,be no alteration in this state of things that will be bcncficia1to the working class. It matters not to tlrem mile-ther the money thus made and issued come from a prirateor a national bank. In the first case, the class from whichthe money comes will ever constitute a wrong. If tliecapitalists dug for gold in the bolvels of the earth, andthus escliangect their own labour against the labour ofothers, the transaction het~reen them ar~d the working menwould be a foolish one, but there ~r-ou2d be no injustice init. But the capitalists neitller dig nor beg. They issue amedium, for ~rl~ich they receive commodities, arid theseconlmodities tlrey give in exchange for tlie gold. Thusneither the gold nor the colnmotlities cost the capitalistany labour. It matters not, in regard to its general efiects,\vlretl~er the n~ctli~~rn of :L bi~~ll\er be issued ant1 contin~~edon ;I 1.c;tl or n nowin;iI c;lpit;ll. 'rhc public faith is all thattlrc banlier ~~cetls. If isolatctl 1)riv;ltc ba1i1.s give place ton national banli, the profits of \rllich are tlevoted to publicl)urI)oses, tlie case ~vill be but little better for the trorkingclass. Their position ill society, untler the present systen~,will ever prevent the111 frorn receiving any ~naterial benefitfrom such an institution. They can never be borrowerstheywill never be able to work with such capital on theirown account and for their own benefit-but they will stillbe set to work by others, and the profits of their labourmill be appl*opri;~ted and enjoyed by others.Not content with thus plundering the producers on a11sides, the c:ipitalists, with a refinement in cunning untilrecently unltnoivn, have actually srrcceedetl in making tileworlcing class the n~illing instru~nents of their own degradation.As bank-notes havc al\vaps professed to beeschntigeable for gold, and are ever going back to thebank for such purpose, it is apparent that every bank must]lave n, supply of gold ailequate to meet these minordemands. The greater the liun~ber of banks, therefore,or the larger tile amount of their paper issues, the moreiiecessary is it that a consiclcrable amount of gold sl~ouldbe at Iiand to meet emergencies. The great bocly of theproducers work for treelcly wages, 1r11icl1 are paid in goldor silver; and as many tlrousantls of tl~em do not consutneall that they thus receive, there will be a residue left onhand to be used as occasions require. The incessant hoartlingeven of IS. w~cli, by it few 1111ndretls of tliousnnds ofpersons, will in the course of :L year amouot to n cor~siderablesum ; and as this is drawn from t11e circulatiot~, the

atocks of metal in the banks decrease, and the bankers findit diffic~llt to meet the demar~tl for coin. Tl~ere is in theUnited Kingdom a government bank, called the Banli ofEngland, which may be regardcct as the great fount;iinfrom whence tlte other banks derive their golden stores.This bank has ever suffered, in common with otl~ers, fromany deficiency in its amount of gold; ant! to remedy thisinconvenience, and at the same titne increase the profits ofthe bank, anti give the governmer~t a better Ilolti upona discontenteti population, some cunning brsin dcvisetl a" Savings' Bank"-a triple engine of p\ver in the handsof Capital anti Despotism. Tl~rougb tl~c instrumentalityof this invention, the coffers of the bankers receive backthe specie almost as fast as it is talie~~ fron~ them-thegorernnlent hnkers extract a large revenue from the productiveclasses by alloming the capit(t1ists to make use oftheir monqy-and the government itself I~oltls, as it were,YO mauy goltlel~ chains to bind men to it and to the existingorder of things.Tlie government now owes to the prod~lctive classes, formoney thus deposited in Savings' Banks, .a sum of above614,000,000 sterling-a sum which, if applied to the subversioninstead of the continunnce of the present socialsystem, ~rould malie a breach that no power could repair.Tl~e greater plrt of this sum has been deposited in goldand silver, and specie is therefore expected back againwhen wanted; blit there is not in possessio~i of all thebanks in the country specieequivalent to meet the demandson the Savings' I3anli. Tl~us this money map be regardedas all but lost to those who tlcposited it in the hands ofthe government; and altllougl~ :I timely application urouldsecure a part, some persons must event~tally go ~yj.jtl!out.Tile presc~~t has hen calletl an age of revolatio~ls, at& theovertl~row of dynasties and the partition of kingdoms areyearly I~eard of; and should any event take plilce in theUnited Kingtlorn calculated to shake public confidence orcause internal commotions, and thus send the protluctiveclasses in droves for their money, ;in immetliitte stoppage\roultI he put to all refunding-anti tlistress anti starvation~vould be !eft to work out their own cure, unalleviated bythe assistance of former savings. That such a restrictionuf tllc iss~ies of coin woultl prolnb4y be the case, may bei:iferred from experience, the same stoppage of the supplieshaving been resorted to on former ant1 similar occasionsthatsuch wonltl most certnildy be the case, is self-evidentfrom the fact, that the amount of specie wanted is neitherin the hands of nor in any way procurable by the government;and if paper be given by them, it has been alreadyshewn that ~totlting will he given.Thus, for the trifling bait-the so-called " interest"--of6d. per annum for the use of ;El, the productive classes areignorantly let1 not only to provitle the capitalists with cveaponsto conquer tl~e~n, but like~vise to enr1:lnger or loseentirely the miserable pittiince a.llicll years of ticni:ll haveenabled tl~enl to accumul:ltc. But Irere tl~esc unitetl sar-ingsapplied to the purchase of real cn11it;rl, and the employmentof tl~e ~\lorl

eceipts are-the transfer of that labour which ought tobe recdered by the capitalists.Such, then, is money-such is the mode in which it iscreated-such are the evils and the wrongs inseparable fromits existence, so long as it is creatcil antl used by particularclasses, to the exclusion of other classes. Such exclusivenessmust ever compel the ~vorking class to be theslaves and tlre tools of their fellows ; and tlie seal of theirdoom can be brolteo asunder only by a power which at thesame time ovcrtlrrows the prescnt systc~n.CI-IAPTER XI.AN OUTLINE OP A SOCIAL MOVEMENT.IF sufficient proof lias not been given of the corrupt tendenciesand the unimprorable cllaracter of the present system,those who wish for Inore evidence have not far to lookfor it. Let us go where nre mill-see and hear what me~vill-read of the past and the present what we nrill-dlplaces, actions, antl times, have the same tde to tell. Historyancl experience bear evidence, iu characters of fire,2nd blood, and misery, that this social system never hasheen, is not now, and never can be, anything biit a darkand cllaotic sea of evil, in which oppressio~l is unpunished,virtue and morality unregarded, merit unrewarded, andthe tears of the writlow and the orphan unpitied and un-heeded. Thus, from its very nature, and the irremeclial~leevils connected with it, there is nothing to induce us toretain the present system, even were its subversion attendedby treble the dificulty nrhich stands in the way of itsaccomplishment.Changes are ever taking place, more or less important inregard to their effects upon society. Man is a progressingbeing ; and 11e looks to tlie past, tl~crefore, not so much totake pattern of that ~vllich was good, as to derive \r:~rnir~gfrorn that which \rTas evil. In regard to any forward moremeritwhich 111ay be made, the consitlerntions which havebeen alreddy entered into respecting what is well and wllatis ill in the prescnt system, and ~vhat is requisite to theestahlisli~nerlt and the progressiol~ of a better systen), willenable us to (letermine \r.llat sl~ould he given up and wllatretainetl. Keeping all these things in new, \vc can at oncebrief y proceed to the consitlcmtion oC n mode of subvertingthe present system, inc1cl)entlent alilte of chiungc ofcl~xracter or the accuninlxtion of capital among tilosenlaliing the attempt - two requisites almost i~~dispens~~bleto the success of :~np of tl~c p1:tns trllicll 11;tve beene.uamincd.(3f the six millions of adlilt men in the United Icingdom,it Iras bccn calc~ilatcd tl~at i~h~rit five millions assist inproducirlg ant1 distriboti~~g ~realtl~ ; and tlt:lt of this nun)-ber, forw ~nilliolls belong to the rlivision callecl the workingclass. It 11as been shewn that, by the present arrltngelnentsof society, this last great tlivisior~ receive scarcely£200,000,000 of the £500,000,000 of nrealth annuallycreated, which averages aljout £11 per head for the Inerr,\r70men, and chiltlren comprised in this clnss ; and that forthis nliserable pittance they toil, on tl~c average, 11 hoursa d:iy.A consideration of the principles of ~)rod~lction Irasshewn us, that three things only are necessary to the crc;ttionof any amount of w.e;~ltlr, namely, raw material,labour, and capit:~l ; and it h:rs lil;e~vise taught us the bestmeans of regul;~ting the various poxrcrs at our disposal-by~iniorl of forces antl division of labour-so as to prodlicethe greatest quantity of mealtl~ n~itll tlre least espentlitr~reof capital and 1;rbour. The best esenlplification of thepower wliicll man may wield by union of forces and clivisionof ];rbonr, is atfortled by tile ~r-nrlcing of a joint-stoclicompany. These companies are usr~rpi~~g, in all directionsthe places and occupntions hitherto conlincd to iudiridrlalcnpiti~lists artd trailers ; and tllc syste~natic and estentlcdnlanner in 1~11icl1 this joint-stocl; systcnl of tratling hiisbeen acted upon (Illring late years, has given allnost everyperson some knon~letlgc of the principles and motle ofaction from mhicli its strength is derived. The gigantic

156 LABOUR'S WRONGS IXDpower of sucli companies is bel~eld in innumerable roads,r:iil\v;\ys, and canals, and in the creation :ind clistributionof allnost every tlescription of \r~c;tlth. It is Iirlotvn thatthe po\I7er of these companies arises solely from the slcilfitlapplicatirbn of capital ;rntl labour; and it is self-evidentthat the lilte application of capital and labour, under similarcircumstances, n ill ever producr similar results.We have already, as it were, talccn stoclc of the realcapital ant1 the employecl and unernployed labour in theUniterl I

empire-it mould, without inflicting injury on any tradeor any individual, allow of tlie introiluction of an unll~nitedcluaniity of machinery-and the power of this giganticunion of labour ant1 machinery woultl be maintained by acirculating medium of two thousand millions of poundssterling. Tl~e imagination, chained down to the niolehiII~nountains of the present system, cannot at once ctnbraccthe vast prospect antl the almost omnipotent powers unf'oldctlin a change lilte this !A social movement of this character would require nofi~ndamental alteration in tlisposition, or character, orItahits, in tllc parties acting. There are no new feeIilrgsto be ;~cc~~liretl, no oltl :tssoci;ttions to I)c slialten off, Inorethan ~voaltl l)e requisite in any simple governlner~tal ch;rngc,sl1r.11 as men arc yearly s~~hjccted to. 'C'l~e whole rnovctnentwoal(1 rcqr~ire only co-operation in its simplest form, sucll;IS at the present mo~ner~t exists in every trade and in everyworltsl~ol), ~rrl~err: persons of tllc \videst extrernes in respectto character, strength, and opinion, harmouiously co-operntetogether to effect some definite object in prodoction.The 1);tth to action is thus already prepared, and we shoul(1only have to go fornrard, as it were, upon a beaten and a\\.ell-ltnolvn road.Competition could have no existence in a change liltethis ; and the economists, considering com~~etition as themainspring of production, unhesitatingly predict thatimp social arrangements which take away this stimulus--which remove tlie fear of fi~tr~re nrant or tlie hope of futuregain-will be injurious to production, and subversive ofthe ])rosperity and harmony of society. Instances are1)rought forward to shc\v that, in proportion as men aresecured against the future, they relax in their cndenvorirs,;inti become careless of Is~bour, ant1 of the production of\vealth--that men are not so willin6 to exert tl~emselvesit1that which u7ill be enjoyecl by all, as if theenjoyment were confined exclusively to themselves-thatwhen production is the business of every lrotly it is thebusiness of nobody, and eacll man er~deavours to escape atthe expense of his neighbours.Although the testimony of experience goes to prove t!~cgeneral truth of these o~)jections, when they are appliedto the \vor!d as it is, it has beer1 she11111 that they have noforce wlten opposed to a social system combining a cl~angc ofcllaracter and new social arrangements, or to tl~c jointstockmodification now ilntlcr consiiteration. Competitio~lis only a sccont1:try cause of procluctiou ; for t~ieri con~petewith each other for the possession of certain things, becausethey desire these thin~s, and heca~lse, under thepresent systeni, hey colt obtnzn them only hy co~npefition.It is the natural desil-c for things, and not the competition,which originally incites men to action ; antl so long as thisdesire exists, 1)roduction \rill go forivard efficiently, 11na1-lied with anil indcpentlent of competition. If there wereplenty of work for all men, tl~ere would norv be no cornj)etitionfor it; nor n,oul(l tl~ere be any competitior~ for tl~c1)osscssion of partic~~lar co~u~noilitics, if tl~crc \rere n sr~fticiencyof every tlririg prodr~ced to s11pply the \rants of all ;artti yet men ~voilld \~orli together, ancl produce co~n~noditiesin greater abund;lnce, ;rnd cnjoy tl~cmscl\~cs in a far greatertlcgrec, in such a stnte of tl~ings, tl~arl if one-l~nlf of them\rere idle, and the other I~alf, by co~npctition, were reducetlto the necessity of 1;tbcriring for what nlny be cnllccl a1101ninal existence. Coml)ctition, lilterrise, can be dispensedwith as a stimulant to enterprise and invention ; for it isr~otorious that the majority of inventors anil intellectus1labourers, instead of espccting or receiving any reward,now live and die in a stnte of poverty and inisery esceedingeven that of the most mindless being who inakes useof their cliscovcrics. If it be conterrdcd that men willnot do their duty to their fellows ~vitlioilt being spurredon by a sti~nulrls more or less cor~nectctl with tl~eir anim;tlvati its-tlrat if the men of all trides :rntl professions receiveone uniform rate of wages, a c:~relessncss \rill beengentlered as to \r,hether mucl~ or little is producedthatif all be insured a frlturc provisio~~, they urill becomeindifrercnt to present exertion-if these anil sin~ilnr argltmentshe brought formartl against the contc~nplatetl cl~nng-c,they will 1)o of no more weight than if applied to inclividualsunder the present system. Under the joint-stockmovement, there \rill be all the incentives to action whichexist at present-there ivill be a Public Opinion to giveits amarci to particular actions-and the provision for thefuture will, as is now the case, depenil upon the labour ofthe past. In almost all trades, the workmen no\rr receivea stated aleelily stun, althougl~ the po\rers of prodnction ofvarious indivitlr~als ciifTer consitler;~l)ly ; nntl yet such unifornlityin the rate of payment tlocs not encourngc itlleness.

The opinion entertained of a man by his fellow-workmenis generally suffcient to excite him to honest exertions ;and the advantages held out by the joint-stock systemin\vhich every person ~rould ultiinately receive the milolefruits of his labour-are so superior to any now enjoyed,that they could not fail to create one universal spirit ofenterprise and activity.It can he easily determinecl in what ninnner such a systen1would worlc in regard to individuals and to society atlarge. We have already sol11)oscd that an indefinite numberof joint-stock coml)anics :Ire formed-that their tranbactiorlsarc governctl 1)y general and lociil boards of trade,whicl~ \ro111il regulate production antl distribution in gross~tliat tl~eir minor tl~tails are supcrintentfcd by managersand overlooliers, as at present-that tlie members of tllesecompanies morlc the same nun~her of hours and receive one~~niforni rate of wages. Under tllc present system, thel~orlrs of I:111our vary from eigltty to forty, and the .irVagesfrom fifty to ten sliillings per week; but in scarcely anyinstance lrare tl~e .tr.ages any depcutlence on the hours oflabour, for it generally happens that those receive the leastwages who work the greiltest 111lmbcr of hours. Underthe joint-stock systen~, however, so great mould be theamount of lahour and niachinery of every kind set in~r~otion, that, in a slrort time, sufiicient wealth would beproduced for the enjoyment of all persons by an espenditureof not more than five hours' labour a day. But evenat its first institution, it woulii require no more than fromeight to ten liorirs' labour per day from each associatedproducer ; and this moclerate exertion would yield him ancquivale~~t cclnal to two sllillings an hour. Cost of l~roductlonwould in every instance determine value ; ant1 cqualvalues noultl always excIi;inge for equal valnes. If onepcrson worked a whole meek, and anotller uorked only halfa week, the first .ivould receive clorible the remuneration ofthe last; but this estra pay of the one ~roultl not be at tlicexpense of tlre other, nor worrltl tlle loss incurred by tl~e lastn:an fall in any way upon the tirst. Each person mouldexchange the wages he ~rldividnallyreceivcd, for commtditiesof the same value as his respective wilges; and in nocase coultl the gain of one man or one trade be a Joss toanother marl or itnotller traqlc. The labour of every individ~lalwould alone determine his gains antl his losses.The arrangenlerlts rcs~icctirig tlie production of foodcould be adjusted on tlie same principle of equality aslvouIii in manufactures of various kinds. As the]and, lilte the houses and machinery, would be lleltl asconlmon property, tlie value of all its products ~rould beestimated on an equitable principle, sllcll as should affordequal atlvantages to every member of society. Tllosee~nployed in agriculture \vould he remunerated accordingto their labour, and not by amorlnt of crop ; and societyat large \vould receive the benefit, or bear the loss, of productiveor nnprodnctive seasons.Uuder this joint-stoclc motlification of society, as undera more perfect system, ample provision coultl be made fortf~e young, the agc~tl, and tlie i~rfirtn, ~vitl~out subjectingparents or reliitires to the lcast trouble or anxiety. Withregnrd to employnlent, every compariy would be open tothe adn~issiou of persons \\~liosc labour l~ntl been supersededby macl~incry ; ant1 wllo, by being initnediately providedwith 3 suitable occupation, \rould neither suffer loss tllemselves,nor inflict an injury upon society. There is so muchof all kinds of work to be done, that there never can betoo much labour set at liberty, or superseded by machinery.But if any man, or any botly of men, be n~ade to sufferfrom an itnprovement which confers a benefit upon societyat large, an act of gross injustice is committed ; for asevery individual o~lghto confer ns rnucli benefit as possibleupoil society, so, likewise, is society equally bound tocontribute to the welfare of ill1 its members. But societycan do this only by instituting such social arangetiients as,xrliile tl~ey enforce tlie principle and practice of llniversal labour,take care that employment shall always te procurnlle.It is easy enough for the overgorged capitalist to say to theworking mnn nrliose labour? under the present system, ha3been s~~perscdetl by macl~inery-"?'urn to soine othcremploy~ncilt !" The ~vorld nov offers tlie trorlinlan no suchemployment, and he is tl~crefore compelled to combatagainst his steam ar~d iron adversaries until lie is workedto death, or perisl~es froin discilse ;uid starvation.At the present time, it \rould be useIess to enter intominute details of \\,hat coulrl and what should be doneunder a new social system such as that under consider a t' Ion.We liave experience to gtlitlc 11s in allnost every thing;for the preset~t movement is not an introduction of new~winciples and modes of action, but simply the applic a t' IOU

of existing principles and modes to a new object-the universaland equal benefit of society at large, instead of theaggrandiscmcnt of p,zrticul:lr individu:~ls antl classes. Thereis always, if it be rightly managed, a fund of cornmansense in the world sufliciet~t for all emergencies. Almostevery mall is anrare of the order and precision with wlrichthe transactions of companies and individr~als are at presentcarried on, holr~ever extensive or complicated they may be.By means of general ant1 local boards of trade, and tl~clirectorsattached to cacll indiviilual company, the quantitiesof E11e various conlmodities ~.equired for consumption-therelative valne of each in regard to caclr other-the nurnberof 1i;inrls required in various tratlcs and descriptions oflabour-ar~d all other matters cor~nccted with productionand distribution, could in a sllort time be as easily determinedfor a nation as for an intlividual company under thepresent arrangements. Statistics of every liind wolilcliicq~irc a degree of corrcctncss ant1 perfection suclt as tlleytxn never attain to under t11e existir~g system. The simpleprinciples OF equality are of sucl~ a nature that they car1be acted upon in all transactions and all emergencies; for,lilw. the compass of the mariner, they can guide alike in thedarkness as in the sunshine-in the storm as in the calm.Tile social change under consitleration, great and benrficia1as would be its own immediate effects, ~vould be aneasy preparatorv step to the more pet.fect change alreadyconsidered. TLere is nothing in the movement n.lticl1 canarouse the fears of tl~e most filint-hearted. It is not to beexpected that society cat1 become perfect at once-that tl~evicious propensities and wrong notions which have grownwith our gro~rtll and strengthened wit11 our strength, canbe eradicated or cllangctl in a tnonient. But as comparativewealth arid increased leisure sllall take the place ofhopeless poverty ant1 inordinate toil-when better arrangeiinents tllari tliose tvhicli now exist shall diffuse eclucat~onuniverssllp-when t11e presetit iial.row views and uriirperlsyn~patliies of classes shall be expantled and aiijusted, andrrlen made to regard all their fellows as members of onegreat family, Itaving a commorr interest and progressingtowards a common end-then will society gradually antlim~~crceptibly glide into the state desired, and establisl~tho.;e institutions and usages which are so essential to theIiigl~est scale of civiliz;rtio~r.Every whole is but an aggregate of parts, and a nationxvill cver be brolten up into comn~unities or divisions ofsome kind. As individuals compose families, and familiestowns, untler tile existing system, so lilic\\'ise woultl theyafter the joint-stc~ck cl~auge had been eft'ected. The presentdistrib~ition of people in towns and villages, bad as itis, jrould not be tlirectly interfered with ; nor mould therebe any immediate destruction and re-erection of the buildingsnow in esistence, unltealtliy and llncomfortable asthey arc. TYc ]lave all, more or less, inlbibecl feelings ofattachment to our prcsent 11a])its, 1)11rsuits, and modes ofaction. We are thus morally iucnl)ncitatctl from actingupon ;l more l)erfect tlivision of society into cornmuuitiescomprisctl of rriany fiimilics, in which tliere is but orrefeeling ant1 one In:lnncr of living. It is not pretentledtltat society, in tl~ese (lays, has knowledge enough, or noralitycnougli, or l~oncsty enoagl~, for srlcli a system. Thetrammelled rninils of ntcn c;iniiot yet grasp tile great antiglorious destiny ~vliicl~ is conceived for t11em in the wombof the future. 13rrt if perfectiorl cannot be attained atonce, there is nothing to deter men from planting the seedof f~~turc good.Although society mill cver be broken up into parts, itdoes not necessarily follon that those parts shall alwaysniaintain the same jarring anti hostile relation to eachothel. as they now do, ant1 al~vays will do, ~vhen classifiedas rich ancl poor. &Ian is not naturally the enemy of man ;nor would he ever be so, if the interest of one were notopposeci to the interest of anotlier. This opposition ofinterests docs not exist in joint-stoclc companies. If onesl~areholdcr gain or lose anything by a company, all theother melnbcrs do so like\vise ; and this universality andequality of interest at present exists under no other circumstances.Tl~r~s, either uridrr the joint-stock division ofsociety, or in any other modification of the principle ofco~nr~turtity, wl~ere Iirbor~r is universal ant1 ren~ur~eration inproportion to the labour, the interest of any one marl \dlbe cq~rally the interest of all ; and this reciprocity andequality of interests ~vould extend from one cotilpatly to21 1.Tl~us, taking society as lr7e find it-wit11 all its irrational11;tbits and prcjutliccs, its ill-arranged and incommoilioushabitations ancl rnodes of production, its depraved

tastes and ignorant appliances of the means of enjoyment-no arrangements call bring into operatio11 powers aoextensive in tlleir itpplication and gigantic in their results,as those existing in connection wit11 a joint-stock modificationof the principle of community of possessions. Sucha systenl woultl be simple and effectrlal in regard to thecreation and distribution of wealth-it \ro~ll(I, as far aspossible, insure equality of excl~luiges, and give to everyman that true independence u.l~ich, under the presentsystem, must ever be ur~ltnown to the ~vorli~nan-it ~vonl~iinstantly aIIer7iatc the poverty, and crime, and vicioclshabits, prod~tced ljp too little ant1 too ~nnch work-it wouldallow of a comfortable provision for the yo~u~g, the old, andthe intir111, without tliscomfort to thcn~selvcs or loss to tltecomntunity. Untlcr s~lch sociill ar~.;rl~gcn~e~lts, one class~voultl not, as :tt ~)rcsent, he ile1)cntlcnt upon anotl~cr forcmployrnent ; nor could the ptirts of one m:ln be an accurnulationof the losses of a~~otl~er.Tllc ok~jections wlricll !lave been urged by tltc economistsagainst the rnore perfect system of cotnmnnity of possessions,do not apply to this joint-stock rnodification of theprinciple. The present could not be called the trying of arnere experimentthe feeling of our way in the darlr-theprecursor of ur~iversal np:tthy, and poverty, and immorality.Througl~out this change, society woulil act upon~vcll-ltno~r~t principles-principles \vllicll the experience ofevery day proves to be the more efficacious ant1 powerful inproportion as they are the more extensively acted upon.It woultl be simply an extet~sion of the union of a fewindivitlnals, to effect a definite oi~ject, into the alliance ofthe people of a nation, to effect the same oJ).ject ; and as ajoint-stoclt company is stronger than an individual, so willa nation of such companies be superior to any isolatecl combination.The production and distribntion of an unlilnitcd quantityof ~vealtll, altho~tglthe first, is not the only requisiteto the welfilre of society. Tl~c next class of arrangementsof importance are tltose relating to educatio~~ as a whole--to the moral aud pl~ysical culture of man-to the teachingItim llis rights ant1 his duties-to the entire fornration ofhis character. Untler the joint-stock modification ofsociety, this great object corlltl be speedily ant1 cffectrlallyattained. The time and the means which are now so ill-applied to this purpose, coultl be at once turned into aproper cllannel, and be inilcfinitely increased-the demoralizingcircumstances wl1ic11 now more or less snrroundfind influence every human beilrg from birth to death,woultl shortly cease to have rsistence-and, by a few simplearrangements, every chiltl might receive the best traininc" without either trouble or anxiety on the part of its~~are~lts, or loss to the com~nur~ity at 1:trge.In connection wit11 this joint-stoclc system, as ~vell as inthe more perfect form of comtn~~nity, arral~gemcnts mightbe n~atle for t!re support of motnen ant1 childrc~~, ~vitl~olltthe former l)eit~~ dependent on thrir I~usbnntls, or the lattcror1 their p:~rents, for the nlc:uns of sr~bsistcnce. Wllcrlration:llly vicwcd, tl~c ~nainten:tncc ~lltl ctl~icntion of chil-(Ircn by tl~cir p:rrcnts is n g1:tring dcfcct in every socialspstenl iu wl~icll the ~)r:trticc prevails. It ntay be atfnned,truly CIIOII~~I, thxt a11 p;~rents II:~VC a natural tlesirc to providefor their offqpring-t11:tt tl~e s:1111c stiln~~lus to parentslcsertion exists even ;unong ;rni~~lals--and it may twfrom hc~~cc inferred, that, by estaltlisl~ing institutions~vhich throw this burthen upon society at large, we actmntrary to, and endeavour to subvert, the natural desiresof the h~ln~an breast. Such an objection as this arisesfrom a contracted view of tl~e subject. The inherent feelingsof parents csn never be :~nnihil:~ted, eitl~er in humanbeings or in brutes ; but it does not follow, hecause mankindIi:11)pcn to 1mve these feelings in common with brutes,that tlley sllould act in the same manner, and individually~wovitle for the childhood of their little ones. IVe arcplacc(1 in a very different position, in respect to means, tothat of ;u~y class of Iteings aro~~nd 11s; ~ L Iwe I ~ are p o ~sesscd of muc11 l~igher fiiculti~s tl~nn those enjoyed by anyof tltc l~lodifications of intelligence wit11 \r,l~icli we areacquaintetl. We take pattern by them in notl~ing ; andaltl~ough man and brute are alike posscssetl of similarnatural feclir~gs iu regnrtl to their offspring, yet, while thebrute is guided in tile prescrv:ttion of its young by instirlctonly, man llas rcason as ~vell as instinct to direct him.Tl~us, wllilr instinct ever conipcls human beings to providefor their cl~iidren, reason only can direct them how to dothis in tllc most effectual manner.Experience, frauqlr - t wit11 int~umerablc troubles andsorro&, sllclrs every parent-and especially every parent

in the productive class-horn lamentably imperfect are thel~resent arrangements of society for the ~)rotection andwelfare of children. Tl~e greatcr part of the sum total ofhuman discomfort is now conipriscd of parental anxietyfor the p~aeservation antl happiness of offspring. In considerationof his cl~ildren, how long and patiently does theworkman toil-110w many of the insolences of ~lpstartauthority does he silently receive-how enduringly does11e bear the galling of every chain ~vhich the presentaccursed systern fastens upon him ! Altlrough solicitudewill ever exist, yet fear and doubt, respecting the welfitreof their cl~ildren are no ingredients in parcr~tal I~npl)iness.Bv the present irrational arri~ngements of societv, m:Lnki;~tlarc dcgratletl to the lcvel of brutes,--over whicll theysuffer their boastctl reason to give thcrn no ])re-eminence,in respect to the prcscrvation of their ofLs1)ring. Society,wl~en viewed as a w11ol~-in its composition, its constittltion,and its intention-ought to know., as society, of nosuch limited distinctions as those of parents and cliildre~~.Every child ougl~t to be regarded and 1)rotected as thechild of society; and society, in its turn, ought to be as ahelping child to every aged parent. Every individual,hesitles his natural relationslnip to other individuals, 113s arelationship lih~wise to society at large; and s0ciet.y) byinstituting arrangements for the punisl~ment or protectiollof its nleu~bers, tacitly acltnowlcdges this relationship evenunder the present system. But under a rational organiza.tion of society, the immediate dependence of children upontheir parents would be, as it ought to be, entirely doneaway with ; and society, talting uporl itself the pl~ysical,moral, and intellectual culture of all its foster-children,would leave to their parents, as intlividuals, no oflices toperform but the caressings of parental love.There can be neither wrong nor loss inflicted 11ponsociety by thus maintaining its cl~ildren. The considerations\vliich have been already enteretl into respecting thenature and origin of wealth, and the experience whichman has of his powers of production, go to shew, that,while there is a sr~ficiency of raw material there never canbe too nl11c11 labour. Every child contains in embryo moreor less of labour, mental and corporeal ; and consequently,under arrangements which enforce universal labour, antl atthe samc time keep in view tbe accun~ulation of suflicicntto set this labonr in motion as it arrircs, everycllild, instead of being a loss, 1rrill be 2 profit to society.ft is society, and not tlte indiviclual parents, ~vliicli receivestile bcncfits arising from the male and female cl~ildrenborn into the 11.orltl ; wntl upon society, thrrefore, havetl~ey a jr~st claim for an outfit. There \rould exist underthe social syste~n of community, none of the incentives tocelibacy whic!~ now influence so many tl~ollsands. Thef;tcility for rnarriilge woultl be CO-cstensive with t he desirefor it. All parents ~vould contribute to the sllpport of ;dlchiltlren, in an indirect m:tnller, tl~rougli proper socialreg~llations; and thus cliildren n.ould not be, as at present,~rnjr~stly visitetl and l~unisl~ed 1)y the sins of theirparents.13i~tl ;is arc tile soci:~l nrrnngemcnts \vlticll leave cl~ild~enimmctli;~tely dependent upon their parents for educationsu])sistence, a still n.orsc feature in the present system,.nud one proctncti~rc of tllc greater part of the clemoralizationant1 vice \r llicl~ surround us, is that cr~stom of societywhich leaves nrolnan dependent upon individr~al man forsubsistence. Woman sl~oultl be altogctl~cr as it~de~~endcntof man, in respect to her occupixtion a11t1 her maintenance,;~s rnan is independetit of her or of his fellow-man. Wornanis not ~~aturally, anrl never can be legally, the slave or thepl.operty of rnan ; bnt, in regard to every rigl~t appertainingto human existence, she stitnds with man on a footingof the most perfect equality. Under the present system,woman is depentlent upon ant1 is regartlet1 as inferiorto man-she is by turns his slave and 11is plaything-shehas no equal social rights, an(1 no political existence.Spoiled hy a pernicious antl deficient education, halfdesl)isedfor the apparent want of those mental powerslvhich are not pern~ittctl to be called forth and exercised,and degraded by her dc])endent positio~~,--woman is nowfixed in a labyrinth of tyranny ancl injustice from whichshe cannot be rescued by any means \rhicll do rtot affordher entire independel~ce of the control of her self-styledsuperior, in the same ilrgrec as Be is intlependent of her.When released from such (lominion-wlten relieved fromtlre fear of future want, allti ~iiade a co-eqml with manwhenfostered and protected by social institutions calcrllatedto in,rlre l~er physicnlly, ~llo~i~ll~, nnd mentally, xrlratshe should be-then \rill she stancl in her true positiot~-

then wlll the unknown and now unappreciable treasures ofIrer heart and mind be poured out, and she will be to man(' a help-mate ~neet for him."This joint-stock modification of society mould in a slrnrttime pepare the way for the introduction of social arrangementscalculated to effect all these objects, and every otherwhic11 philanthropy can desire and intellect discover forthe happiness of society. There is ample scope afforded,for philosophical inquiry, and invention, and exl)erimellt,by the establishment of national institutions provitled \rithevery requisite that unfettered ingenuity and laI,our canbring into existence. Old age and impotency could be~)rovitled for in a manner such as !rrorn-out Labour welldeserves for the honest exertions of its better days-andthis, too, as a matter of right, and apart from all the feelingsnow existing in conrlexiou wit11 charity ;ind almshouses.All losses to individuals ant1 companies, by fire,shipwreck, and other disasters, coultl be made, as in justicethey ought, to fall upon society at large. Tlrcre would l,eone great gainer and one great loser-the nation-forsociety woultl form, as it mere, one vast insurance cornpany,in which the profits only would be known, and tlrelosses be unfclt and unseen.Upon the estal)lishment of such a systcm, erery social,political, and ecclesiastical grievance untler which men nowsuffer, and wit11 which they have ineffectually comhntedfor centuries, would be almost instantly annil~ilated. Intolerancewould givc place to liberality ; and a just, natural,and rational equality of rights and possessions would succeedthc present system of exaltations and abasementsoftyranny and slavcrp-wherein the hancl of every manis raised against his f'ellbtv, and a wide-spread conve~itionalhypocrisy of love exists in the place of that sympathy andkintiness which nature prompts us to entertain towardseach other. Under this joint-stock system, the same asunder that now existing, every indivitlual would be atliberty to accumulate as much as he pleasetl, and to enjoysuclr accllrnulations when and where lre might think proper.The savings of every man would be his o\rrn, andwould in no way afkct the savings of his fellow; for eclulrlexchanges, antl individual independence of indivitlual, renderwealth an almost powerless instrunlent of mischief.By the imposition of a direct tax on individuals or onnrti~les of consllmption, together with the rents of buildings,kc., ample funtls coultl bc secored to meet all theexpenses conncctctl wit11 the proper gorcrnme~~t of society,tile educntion of all its children, the rnuinte~~;uncc of theinfirm, the p:.osecution of scientific research, the progressivedemolition antl re-erection of the l~abitations now inthe formati011 of roatls, and the est;~blisl~n~entof every institutio~~ rcqr~ircd to n~cct tl~e \r;lnts and theexigencies of society.Tlrus, n.it11 a soci;il change lilic this, nltl~ougl~ the faceof society would retain for a time, its preserlt appearatlee,its n.11ole inner constitution would be daily i~ntlergoing aI'urification, a revivisccr~cy, wl1ic.11 ~rouftl sl~ortly extend toits oat\rard xs1)cct. Tl~c :~bon~in:~blc n.ickcdr~ess and viceof cvery kind-the l~umitigntctl morn1 p~~trcsce~lcy-\~yhichnow exists in the very heart's core of socict!., and stinks intile rlostrils of Truth a11(1 Justice, \roul(l speeclily giveplace to :L purity ant1 vititlity such ;IS society Itas never yeter~joyetl ; and the sn.clling torrent of 11un1au l~nppiness,flonring froln the rock of right, ~roultl bound from heart toIreart, until all had drnnk of its watcrs and felt their soulcheeringiufli~cnce.To those, then, who deem that a social change is necessary,antl to those \vho tlccry ;ill such cl~anges as the hallucinationsof ~nisgl~itletl visionaries or the artful in~positionsof designing miscre;~nts, the outline of a social movementis before then1 for consideration. Founded as it is uponestablished principles of production, and acting thronghoutupon a ~vell.known and ~rell-tried plan of operations, therecan be little doubt that it would tend to the speedy progressionof the hunian race to\vartls that ultimate degreeof happiness and perfectibility by ~vl~ich all finite thingsare bounded. Sucl~ ;L change ~vould give incre3setl wealthand increased leisure to society at large, and thereby removetbe poverty aud ignorance which now exist-itmould be tlestructive of the present class and caste divisionof society, as me11 as of the social and governmental ty,rannp engendered 1)y this ilivision-and, by allowing of theintroduction of circnmstantinl regulations farourable tothe object in view, mould enable all persons to acquire adegree of physical, moral, and intellectual excellence towhich, under the present systcm, they can never attain.A change like this, ns \re11 iis the more perfect change a]-

endy considered, presupposes that all the real capital of thecotintry - tl~e land, buildings, m;ichinery, vesse)~, aud everyotller tlescription of reprotlucible lvcalth, except the personalproperty of indirriduals-is possessed and controIlec1by society at large; t!lat the occupations and authority ofthe present capitalists and employers, in their individualizedcapacity, are superseded ; that society is, as it were,one great joint-stock company, colilposed of an indefinitenumber of smaller companies, all labouring, producing,ant1 exchanging with each otller on terms of the most perfectequality. The idea of such a tllirig is easily conceivctl ;and to act upon the co~~ccptlo~l will be as easy a matteras to conceive it.Ilitl~crto, we hare rcgardetl this social movement only asan establishetl chang?, witho~t t~iliing into considerationthe means \vhcrel)y s~~cli n clr:lnge is to IN accomplisl~etl,ant1 the real capitill of the country obtained possession ofby the productive classes. It Itas 1)cen slle\irn that, untlcrtile prcserlt system, mealtlr is :required by individl~als intwo ways-by labolir, and I)y trading-tlle first being dependenton its own exertions, and the latter being derivetl,by unequal exchanges, from the exertions of others. Goltlatltl silver coin and bank-notes are the exponents of ~vealtlr ;and when a man has obtained possession of these-no matterhy ~ r l ~ imeans-Irei t can finti niultitutles of persons .cvilli~~gto give him lands, houses, or anything else, in exchangefor his coin and bank-notes. It 112s been shewn that coinand notes are valuable only by conventional usage; andthat such value depe~itls upon the existence of the realcapital, of which they arc no more than the representatives.Tliis mas esemplified by tlie fact, that the wealth or thepoverty of a nation depends, not on the amount of thegold and silver posscsscd by the people, but upon thebuildings, ships, ~nacliincry, and comniodities in the country; ant1 that, were we now without these things, and shutout from comlnrlnion with otl~er countries, we sllould bcno better off than so many starving beggars, even if everyindividual were possessed of a million of sovereigns; becausethere would be no produce to be purchased from eachother for the maintenance of life. But, u~lder presentarrangements, a man will give up his real capital-hishoildings, and machinery, and food-for its worthless representatives,gold and hank-notes; and he does so onlybecause he is wel! assured, by Iiis experience of the conrentionalusages of society, that he can at au!r time reccive forllis gold and notes an nwlolutt of real svenlll~ cqllitin/ctzt 10tlteir apparent vnlzcc. IIe knows that tllis money \\.ill procurehim lodgings, food, ant1 clotlling, or any other requisiteof life, for twenty or forty years to come, as theamount may be. It matters not wlretl~er any of thesethings be in existence at the time a man receives his moneyguarantee for them : lie linorvs tliat there is real capital,somewhere, to the amount of his bond, ant1 thiit men willtoil for and give to him, in escllange for this gold or paperbond, real n-ealtli of every ltind to the frill anlount. It isfrom tl~ese consitleratious thiit men buy :uid sell ~vithmoney, and give up the real thing for its representative;and 111)ou the s:une I)rincil)lc, iultl by the siinnc means, maythe \vorliiug cliisscs l)~~rcl~:isc fro111 tl~e c:il)iti~lists all thosevast accumulxtions n.l~ic:l the present system of unequ:~lexchanges 113s en;~blctl tllcm to obt:iin possessioll of.Tiie rc;ll capital of the coltntry 11:is been cstimatetl tobe \rrortl~ five tllous;lnd millions of l,ounds sterling ; :inti ithas been slrcwn tlii~t tlie valrte of tllc ~reiiltli annually~)rotlucetl in the United Iiiugtlortl tlocs not fall short of$500,000,000, of ~vllicll the nrorliing classes receive ant1enjoy less tliitn C200,000,000. If the ulorliing classes Iladorlly thcmselvc~s to m;ti~~t:till, ;it tbc resent r;ite, and nrercthey to produce annually no grcitter :in ianount even thanthis C500,000,000, they \roultl, in the course of seventeenyears, create ~vealth sutficient to purchase all the ~)rcsentfixed ca1)ital of the empire. 13ut it has been she\vn thattheir position, and the enormous btirthens n~liicli they lraveto sustain, \vill ever prevent them from being accumulatorsto any consiclcrable amount under the present system ; i~ndthat the subversion of this system, by such nicans, is anevent to be loolted for only in tlle course of centuries,during \rrliicll the greatest part of the worliing class mustsuffer, with unniitigrated severity, all tl~e evils entailedupon them by the existing state of things. As it is necessary,I~owevcr, to the success of any social char~ge, that thereal capital of the country sho~ild be possessed by the productiveclasscs-as they ~titlst acquire such capital bypurchase-as they have no means, under present circumstances,of accumulating sunicient \vealtll to purchasethis capital during many generations-it is apparent that

the protluctive classes must still remain the prey an(1 tllcslaves of their fellows, unless some plan be adopted differentto an): llitherto nl:~tlc use of by tl~enl.,Tl~e tliscovcry and i~tloption of such a plan will be anythingllut difficlllt. TO accomplish the end desirctl, let itfor a niomel~t be supposed that the desire for a social changeis almost u~liversal among the productive classes-that caclttrade establislles within itself the germs of a filture corn-]'any--that a l~rovisional government of delegates frolneach is appoit~ted ant1 convenetl-that paper moacy, and acoinage of pottery, Ilearing the two denominations ofamount of labour ant1 arnolltlt sterling, is crcatetl for thepurpose of superseding the 1)rcsent tnedium, and carl.yingon tile fi~ture transi~ctions of society-and that a b;irKaintalirs plat-c hctmcen tlrc ])rodlrccrs tlllts urlitctl and the c:tl)italists,:lnil the fixctl capital is tr;lnsfcrred from the one tothe other.In none of these suppositions-not eren in the last-istltere anything impossible. It is not ir~tlis~)rnsi~ble to thesuccess of the nlovement, that the ~rllole of the capitalistsand prod~rccrs slronld at once concur in the settlement ofthe ql~rstion. The cl~ange might be accomplished j ~~st sofar as there might be capitillists and producers willing toagree in the matter. Assl~mit~g, however, that all partiesare willing to sell ;~ntl to I)uy on the terms proposed-thatthe c.al)italists receive tlreir voc~chers antl give up theirproperty-that the vast amount of unemployed labour ant1~nachinery ~vllicl~ now exists is set in ]notion-that newir~ventions and nem appliances are brought to bear in thebusiness of l)roduction-tl~at the combinetl Iirbour andenergies of the protluctive classes are brought into mefocus and tlirectcd to a common end-tl~c whole of the tnrothousand millions of debt niiglit be wil,ed off ~i-ithititwenty ye:lrs, antl the capitalists \ronlil be enabled to enjoytlris vast sum as they pleased, in the most perfect security,anti uninterfered with bv the busy world around them.What are the real difficulties which stand in the way ?fa transaction such as this? On the one side there 1snothing needed but union and industry-on the otlrer,confidence is the sole requisite. The purchase of the realcapital of the country, in the manner under consideration,would be as muc11 a legal and proper purchase as any tranrnction\\,l~ich LIOIV takes pliice between a seller and a buyer.The ~lla~nitude of the contract docs not alter its character.If tile worI,ing classes hat1 gold in their ~)ossessiotl \vhcrctoin ntlvancc for the things \rr:lutcd, tl~ous;rnt!sof cal)it;tlists iroultl be willing to malie tlle biir~.;iin : ant1fro difliculty rrould stand in tlle w:ly of selling the sanieproperty to known capitalists, even if they were 11ot possrssedof gold, but \\'ere sitnply to give, as security, irI)ro~nise to pi\!. at some fritrlre specifietl time. If a workingman pay gold to a capitalist, or one capitalist pay goltlto auotllcr, lle lllerely gives a reprcscntatire of the things\rllicl~ lilbour has l~rorluced-if lle give n bor~d to pay at ;rfuture time, Ile mcrcl!. pro~uises to pay what labour millprodzcce. 'l'lle past, the present, u ~ the ~ d future tr:tnsactior,sof C;ll~it,il ;ill del)c~itl o11 1,nbour for their f~~llil~nctlt.Such l~cit~g the c;~sc, \\.l~y shoultl not lJab01lr itself 111;tke ;rpurcll:lsc 4 TTThy slloultl not tllc bontl of IJaLour, to 1);~yat a future time wl~at itself ollly cuu l)roiluce, be as 1-:tlu-:iblc as tl~c bond of Cnllital, to p:ly \rhat this very sameLabo~tr is to ~irotluce ? If gold be ])aid at once to thccal)italist for his machiticry and b~~il(lillgs, this gold is numore than ;t voucher t11;~the capitalist shall receive otherwealth to the full value of tllc things obtained from him :if a bond be given, it is equ;~lly a voucher that the con,tract sl~all be made gootl. The goltl surl notes .rroultLnow be taken by the c;ipit;llist for his com~notlitics, simplybecause the goltl ant1 notcs form the conlnion circulatingmedium: and as, in the conternplntcd change, the notcsissued by the prod~~ctive c1:tsses I\ odd lilrclrise for111 thecircolatir~g mctliuln, they wor~ltl in every respect Lcequally as vduable as the gold. If security be \ranted bytlrc caliit;ilist, that the contract sll:lll be abided by, is tl~csecurity offcretl by ;L people of less \rrorth than tllat offcretlby an individual ? There are innumerable instiinces ofirltlivit1u;rl breach of fitith-the p;~g~ of history teems withrecords of gover~tme~it;~l treacllery-but tllere catltlot befound one solitary inst:~nce of the infrillgetiient of rr contractby a people.The consideratio~ls etitered into rcs1)ecting tlte wrongsilccessarily erlduretl by the \r.orking classes under tlicpresent system, hare shenrn 11s rh:lt these wrongs o\vetheir origin to uncqu:il cscll;~~~gcs, ant1 the cot~secluentdivision of society into etnl~loyers and elt~ployetl, or richand poor; arld the first object of every social change is the

ultimate subversion of the relations and the inequalityesisting between tltcse classes. Such bei~~g tile end inview, it is scarccly to be expected tllat the capitalists,with their present habits and prejudices, will geucrnilyconsent evcn to sell their property for this object. As aclass, they will, at the moment, abhor any transaction~vhiclt tends, l~o\vever remotely, to take from them theirsupremacy, to destroy class ant1 caste associatio~ls and feelings,and to equalize the present tlisti~~ctio~~s in society.But the inquiry relating to the nature, origin, and transmissionof wealth has provetl that the capitalists, abstmctedlyconsitlered, have no rightful title to the land ~vlrichthey now hold, nor to the vast ac~u~nulations of capitalwl~iclr they have obtained l)osscssion of. The title bywllicl~ the cal~itxlists holtl tl~csc things is no more tl~;~n aconventional priv~legc-s privilege conferred and sanctionedby the common usage of society, without 1)articularIimit:~tio~~ :IS to time. It IS liltc\r,isc n common usage ofsocicty, when the property of intlivitlllnls interferes withthe welfare of the bor!y polit,ic-in regard to roads, railways,canals, ant1 other effects-to have such propertyequitably valued, and, paying its owners the price fixedupon, taltc the propcrty, intIepcndent of their consent.Tlre maintenance of a title to property in perpetuity,witllout regard to any circumstances which may arise, andindel~cndent of any ext~~aneous control, is a thing whicheven now is never dreametl of. Thus, although the conventionalprivilege hy which the capitalists hold possessidnof their wealth is, in the eye of justice, as sacred as thatby wllicl~ the ~~rotlucers hold the scanty reward of theirlabnlir, it is, ncvcrthclcss, in the power of society at largeto :titer at any time its existing arrangements, inilepcndeutof the consent of a particular intlivitlual or a pitrticularclass. But the purcltase of the wealth now posscssetlby the capitalists, in the manner considered, Itas in itnotl~it~g ~vhicl~ can tenci to interrul~t tlre peace or destroytllc liaj~piue~s of one indi\riclual beilrg.With rcga~.tl to the union of a number of producersadequate to eff'ect a change in the present system, it is theeasiest, as it is tl~e first, step in the movement. Even attlre present moment tliere are no less than two rnilliolls ofproducers uuitetl together in societies of various 1;intIs.Almost every working man is or has been a member of atradesn union or tradc society; and the number of illisin benefit societies does not, from late returns, fallshort of l,j00,000. Those at present united in societiesmill have dependent upon them eight or nine millions ofwolnell and children-the who!e mass thus forming no lessthan one-third of the po~~ulation. Here is at once rnateria!amply sufficient to accomplish any change, whethersocial or governmental-rnatcrial more or less bondedtogetl~er, and organised, and containing intelligence as wellas numbers-material sucering a conllnon wrong from thepresent state of things, allti evcn noor united together forthe purpose of destroying or ncutralising tliis wrong. Rut1vhe11 tl~c unimprovable nature of the present system ispercrived by tl~em-\rlicn they becon~c aware of the fixidityof tlieir doo~n, and - the utter futility of all meregovernmental cl~anges-tl~erc can be little doubt that the~vhole u1orl;ing class will linite as one man to clemnnd a .social cliange ; ant1 nrl~cn they tlrus tlemand it, there is nopower on e;lrtl~ that can say it shall not talx place. Thisoppressed class alone, if even partially united in one body,and devoting tlieir now divided energies to one purpose,could instautly effect the deliverance of their order andtheir country-could orerturn, by one movement, thewhole social fi~hric, and institute arrangemetlts calculatedto prod~lce as much of good and as little of evil as themost sanguine pl~ilanthropist can desire.Such, then, is one mode of accomplishing a social cllange-such are the means possessed by society for etfecting theend desired-such are the results whicl~ \vill follo\v its consummation.Tlie object is just, the means are simple, theissue will be satisfi~ctory. The cllnnge inay for the ~notnentstartle some by its novelty, or fl.ig1lten otllers who vie\v itthrough the clistortiog mediurn of prejudice; but when thesubject has been attentively examined-~rl~erl the gootl I~asbeen balanced agtinst the evil, the cost against the enjoyment-allthese feelings of dislilie and distrust mill insensiblydisappear, and the mliole ~novenient will tal\e the hueand escite olrly the elnotions of an every-day occurrellce.In the principles and modes of action considered, neitltertruth nyr justice is outragecl-tlre pl~ysical, moral, ant1intellectual powers of every individual cannot be madeworse, but must be made better, by the change-tl~ere isno avenue left open tl~rougl~ which Despotism, wit11 its

176 LABOUR'S WRONGS ANDgalling fetters and its long train nf militarv and judicialmassacres, can be let in among the I~eoile, but everysource of government:tl evil will be dried up and dcstrovctlfur,evcr. There is notl~ir~g in the inovcmcnt n.hicll >alllent1 to social anarchy, or to those innumerable ills \rlrichever follow in the train of simple governmental re1.01~tions.What, then, has society or individuals to fear?The produrtive classes have only to move on with conlidence,for Truth is with them-J~lstice is n.it11 themallthe elements of success are with them !CHAPTER SII.CONTRAST UETllTEEN TITE PRESENT SYSTEM AND TIIESYSTEM OF COM.\IUNl?'Y OF POSSESSIONS.ALL human ordinances and modes of action are neces,sarily imperfect, on account of tllc imperfect kno~vledgcant1 the imperfect means of man. As the lino~vledge ofevery man is acquired either through tl~e medium of hisOIFI~ experience, or the esperie~rce of others, he can never,wl~cn attcmptir~g to depict :I state of things nl~ich has notyet existetl, accurately tletermine how individuals shallfeel and act \r-hen laced in tl~cse new circumstances andcxl)osed to tl~ese ne1r1 influences. 111 loolting into tliefuture, we are compelled to st:rnd upon the past and the~~rese~it-to lieep experience and facts constantly arountl11s-to fill I I ~ t!le pictrlre of the ilnltnoa~n by partssketchetl fro111 the ltno~vn :tlid ~rell-defined. By thusliceping in view l)rinciples, and actiorrs, and incentivesto action, \re may r~laku an apj)rosimatioti to, if rve cannotattain, the true rcsrllt sought for.The soci:rl rnnven~ent already considered is of this cltaracter,and is thus foundctl ; ant1 tlrerefore, altlrough itmay not be possible to point out every trivial arrangenientwrhich might be adopted by a ~eople acting upon sucl~ asystem, the principles on which it is foundetl, and thegeneral outline, will serve as a standarc1 by wl~icl~ to cotn-Ijare and test existing soci:il arr~ugenlents. The presentgeneration have 110 authority over tlte genelxtio~~s yet tocome, and cannot justly institute la1c.s or arrangements\rrhich shall be binding 11po11 them. 'I'lle met1 of all tirnesarc alike free to subvert, toamentl, or to institute. Thereis no such thing as finality; and altllo11g11, u~tder tlrecxi~ting system, it is the custolit of rulers :rnd gorertlx~lentsto en:ict writtcrl Iir\vs n.l~icl~ profess to mark tl~cI,oundarics \c,itlii~~ \rllicll frtt~~re opinions n ~ obscrvnnces~ dshall be confineti, yet the tirnc \\.ill colnc \r11cr1 all SIIC~Irecords sl~irll be s\\.ept anray ; and tllere will be sufticie~ltcommon sctlsc in tllc \rorlil to c~l;tble mcn to tlecitlcbetween right and Irrortg \ritl~out iq)pcaling to theauthority of nirlsty parclrrnerlts :III~\ror~~i-eatenfolios.The 1)resent crisis, \vllatcrcr it In;iy leild to, is no moretllan a ~~atrtrirl ~novement attendi~rg the course of tl~i~~gsitis but one Inore of that tnigl~ty oce:rn of events, thebillows of wlriclt have rolled 011 froni eternity, ant1 willprogress in unclieclted power for ever. It was fi~lfilling aI~rctlestinrtl move at man's creation-it \\.as atlrs~~cing ascivi1iz;ition succeeiled to tlie prirn~tive contlition of Inanitwas progressitlg evc~~\v11en l)olisl~ed Greece and Ilonle (1%gelleratetl into senli-barbarism-it was coming on u heti theFrench Iterolrltion tool; place, and I

of the present day hare the same right and polver to s11bvert,as the men of former times had to institute and maintain.All these movements and changes were revolutions ;anti, as cvery pnge of history proves, the greater or lcssevils which have generally attendetl such changes, havebeen produced by the stupid endeavours of rulers andgovernments to convince nations, by the application of thesabre antl the bayonet, that falsehoot1 was truth, that grosswrong was justice, that slavery was liberty.Thus free to thinlc antl to act-hirving csaminecl arldtested the vario~l~ principles and modes of action which areessential to n:ltional prosperity and individual Ilappiness,and bcl~cld some.of tlre irtnurnerablc evils wl1ic11 flow frorntheir non-ol)serv:~ncc-\~~c can at o!~cc cntcr into a moredctailctl contr;tst hetwccn existing i~rrnngcmcrtts and thesoci;tl system of comrnunity of possessions untler tlte modificationsalrcatly briefly considcrctl ; antl liltctvise csarrtine:r few more of those mcitsurcs which arc contended for by])articular sections of the community, as remedies forexisting evils.We have supposed that tile present distinctions in society,as relating to rich ai~tl poor or employers andemployed, are totally subvel-ted-that society is comprised1)ot of one class, labourers mental and manual, who areunited together in an ir~deiinitc number of comn~nnities orjoint.stock companies, in mhicli labour is universal and theremuneration in proportion to the time of labour-thatthese communities hold possession of the land and'theproductive capital of the nation-that they are liltelvisepossessed of a circulating bank-note or paper medium,:tmounting to two thousand millions of pouncls sterlingandthat they mutrtally and universally produce or distributea~ealtll, and exchange their labour and their productions on one broad principle of equality. This vastconfederation of labour has sornewhat tlte cllaracter of amodern joint-stock company, and will bring forth itsresults by means of similar appliances. The more advancudform of community which has been considered, variesfrom tlle movement now unrlcr consideration merely in itsarrangemettts. Iro(luwc, ant1 to oppress ;untl vilify tl~osc beneath t11en1-and who are en;~blctl thus icily to exist and r~nceasiugly tooppress, in cousequence of their positiotl in society. Thepresent soci:rl system, therefore, is not or~ly ~~nfavonrnbleto production-not only unjust in regrard to exchange,but totally subversive of all equality of rights.But uncler arrangen~ent s11ch as those connected wit11the system of community, which render it imperative onall able-bodied persons to labour, and which assist suchlabour by every contrivance which ir~get~~lity can invent,there must be vast production. This universal labour,when united wit11 equal exchanges, will adjust all appropriationon the principles of equity. The system of community,moreover, places the national accumulations ofcapital at the disposal of the nation as a mllole-itallows not one nlan to be in any way subject to the capriceor the mercy of another-and therefore it must everequally protect a11 individuals from every kind of tpnuy.Thus, whether in respect to production, or distribution,or appropriation-to the saving of labour or the enjoymentof wealtlt-to the establishment and nlaintenance of erlualrights and equal lalvs-to all other things necessary tonational greatness and individual happiness, the two sys-M s mill ailn~it of no compnrison.The general character of the arrangements necessary toforw:trtI the joint-stock modification of comntunity""T wou d be so similar to those at present existing, that p;wticalarenu~neration will be unnecessary. There woultl be

character of these arrangements in the United Kingdonihas long been notorious, and various remedies llave beensuggcstetl; but there can be no true remedy in connectionwith the present system. Existing arrangements admitof individual possession of the soil ; and such possession,by enabling a particular class to determine upon \vhatterms and to what extent footl shall be produceti, placethe bull{ of society at the mercy of this class, and exposethem to every species of fraud which avarice can invent.Tl~exclr~sive possession of the soil by particular intiividualsis a social arrangement which has been 1)rOved to bepro(1uctire of evil untler all circumstances ; arltl, in collntriesu,l~crc the land is very limited in extent and unequalin fertility, intlividual possession gives rise to ir~stitutio~isanit practices of the grr~sscst vileness ant1 injustice. U11dersuch circumstances, the proprietor of the land demalldsfrom the cultivator of it, in the shape of rent, a I:trgeshare of the prodncc-he enables the cultivator to givel~inl such share, by er~actir~g legislative measures lvl~ichesclutle the corn of countries krllere the land is abundantin quantity and irreshaust~ble in fertility-such exclr~sionIceep~ up the price of Ilomc-grown produce to the level ofthe rent paid to the proprietor-these exclusive laws arcmade by the proprietws in their character of rulers-theyacquire this authority by means of their \vealth-theyobtain this wealth as rent, because they claim an exclueivetitle to the soil. Thus does individual possession of thcsoil spontaneously generate, one by one, evils which amictsociety at large ; for, hp this arrangement, the productionof food is restricted to an extent which dooms tllousands tosuffer hunger-govern~nental despotism is generated-thelabour of a large section of the community is thrown uponthe shoulders of another section-ant1 the landed proprietorsof Britain are cnablect to suck from the proihlctiveclass, in the shape of rent, the greater part of the annualsum of £1 00,000,000.To remedy this state of things, a repeal of the corn lamsis sougllt for; and it is averred that, if foreign corn be allowedfree entrance into the country, Ilome-grown corn mustsink in price to the level of tlre foreigh corn-that, as thehome-corn is reduced in price, the rents of farms must beretlucetl-ant1 that, as those rents are brought down, thevast social burthen imposed upon the ivorliing class by thewill be reduced ; and the greater part of the'one hundred nlillions sterling, now annually lost by them,ivill h left in the pockets of the prodncers.Tllis is a remedy of the same ineficient and fallaciouscllaracter as those mhicli have heen previously examined.It has been again and agrnin provetl, that it is the socialpsition of tlie working class which (looms then1 to performa great quantity of labour for a very little rewardthatthis renf:+rtl is not meas~~retl by the deserts of tlrose~r.lio earn it, b~lt 1)y the number of idlers who are to be~nai:ltainctl ant of it-and tl~erefore, that any legislativecn;uctlncnt or soci;ll rcg11l:ltion wl~icll Iraves trntotrcl~cd thispositior~ rtntl the number of idlers to bc s~i~)l)orted, n111stfro111 its rl;tt~lre be ~rsclcss. TI1:tt cllc;lp footl, in conuectiou~vitll tl~c present system, ~vor~l(l protluce none of the beneficialeffects nnticip:lted, is evident from tllc condition ofthe \\.orlii~lg clnsses of ]I+:rlropc and of the Unitctl St:ltes ;for they ;ire colnpcllctl by the present ;~rr;i~~ge~ncnts ofsociety, in tleliancc of cheap footl, to n1:tintain a tradingant1 commerci:~l aristocracy in full vigour-competition~wo(luces tunong then1 its common results-they lrantlerabout llncmployed in thousands, tlependent upon tlie mercyant1 the caprice of employers-and the greater part of thenrenltll wl~icl~ they produce is transferred to other classesby means of uuequLil esclr;~ngcz. So long ns the presentsocial system esists, it \rill ever be, with the working man,no more tllan a c!~oicc l~etnreen tmo means of losing. Whatis Itn~~lictl from the hands of the aristocracy of the landwill IJ~ irlstnntly snappet1 up by tlie aristocracy of theship, or the mill, or the shop.The l~~rld of the United I

184 LAI~OUR'S WRONGS ANDother, and thereby tends to draw thcm closely togetller inthat bond of fello\rship ~'11ic11 ever exists, morc or less,among all bcings of one ltind. Untler the system ofsociety ~vhicl~ has heretofore cxistetl-engendering n:ttionalas well as intlividual hostility-it may have been advantageousfor n:ition~ to be independent of'cach other in regarilto food. Had thcy not been thus, a \~liole people niight]lave been starved 5.1 thc caprice of some neiglibouringtyrant. This necessity, however, will cease elltirely n~heliatio ions know ;LII~ act upon the principles of communityand equality.Xltlluugl~ all cour~tries are not cqually well ada1)tcd forthe protlr~ction of food, there :ire fc\v wllicll (lo not fi~rnisha rllaterial or comnlodity of some ltintl for ~'1licI1 food C:LIII,c ol~taincd ir~ c?tcll;~rlge. A n;~tiolr, \vl~en consitlcri~tg n Ililtit is in want of, s11011ltl lilica~ise tliscover wli;it it 11:ts tospare, ant1 wh:~t is wanted 1)y the people of otller countries.Food, apparel, metals, mir~crnls, 2nd timber, arc illdis[,ensableco~nmotlitics; arid :l nation having :t sr11)erllrlity ofarty one of these tlliligs may bc certai~~ of obtaining, inexchange for it, any otlier article of u llicl~ it may be inwant. There is not a people to be fount1 \vho are not moreor less dependent upon tl~e inhabitants of other countriesfor certain commo(litics.Tl~c United ICirlgdon~, from its gcograp11ic:rl 1)osition : LII~its lilnited extent, is tl111s naturally dcpelldent upon foreign1:ountries for all its luxuries al~tl the greater part of its~~ecessarics ; and, as a con~pcnsation and an equivalent, 1 itcontains ines11;~ustible stores of metals and mi~lerals. Scieuceand art, therefore, instead of being directed to dcvisemeans by which ir:dispensable commodities may he Iaboriouslyalltl ineilicicntly produced ill Britain, should beapplied to tliscover n~ethotls for the cheap and sl)cedy productionof equivalents for the things desircd. Colxrnoditicsshould never be obtained by creation if they can I)cmore easily acquirctl tl~rougfi the niedi~~m of excllange.Untlcr the social system of conlrnutiity of possessionsthe pri~tciple of free trade coultl be carried out to its fullestextent, 2nd its vast benetits be universally enjoyed. C~lderthe present systeln, ho\ver.er, the interests of i~liiivid~l;ilsH I I ~ nations arc so little understood, and are brouglit intosuch I)CPPC~!I~L~ colli~ion and hostility, that a really frcctrade can exist only in name ; ant1 the benef ts ileriva1,lefronl an intercllnngc of national comn~oditics \rill be csclusivelyenjoyed. The esisti~~g state of tl~ings incoatcstiblyproves t11;~t such is and ever \rill be the case.It 11:~s long ' bec~l I;rro\\.rl that tlie pcoplc of tl~c UnitcdI

duction of lnacliinery and the conseql~ent displacement ofliuman labour-and thus what is called a free tradc tendsultimately to lessen the valr~c of the home ~vorkrnan's equivalent,and to take it from him, and to entail upon himyears of poverty and suffering, although it for a momentimparts a feverish 2nd unhealthy activity to the body politic.Under the preseat social system, as it has beenshewn, machinery gratlually talies the labour, and thereforethe food resu!ting from tltat labour, out of the handsof the producer, and puts into the pockets of the capitalistall the ~realth wtlich is created. Under these circumstancesmachinery is an evil to the \vorltman ; and freetrade, as it tends to increase machinery, is Iiliemise anevil; ant1 it is not in the nature of things that the unlimitedextension of two great evils should :iltcr thcircharacter or detract from their potency.A free trade and unlimited macl~inery, altl~ough tl~ushtal to tlie interest of the producer in connection with thepresent system, would, under tlte systcm of community,confer upon him incalculal~lc benefits. As it has beforebeen said, men want food, clothing, shelter, and leisure formental improvement and recreation-they want certainconlmodities, and not the fvork xrl~ich produces them.Under a systcm of community of possessions, then, wlterethe productive forces of society would be common property,and ~vhcre all advantages of this Iiintl mould be universallyand equally enjoyed, a free tratlc and ilnrcstricted machinerycould be productive only of good. The machinerywould IIO longer be an antagonist of the producer-itwould no longer work against him, and assist a capitalistto press him into the earth-but it would be a t~r~ivcrsalfriend and assistant ; and n free trade, while it carriedaway all the con~modities which he was ~lnable to consume,would bring him, in exchange, the varied treasures of everycorner of the earth.Thus, trvo of the most important auxiliaries to morlcllyprosperity which man can make use of-unlimitetl machineryantl an unrestricted trade-mnst ever, under thepresent system, not only lose the greater part of thciratfvantagcs, but be at the same time j)roductive of an immensea~nount of positive physical suffering arid social evil.They are carlses of wrong, and, as such, cannot be convertedinto remedies. T\'itl~ comniunity of possessions,however, they ch;~nge at once their present character andtendencies: they clrl be linomn only as great benefits, andas remedies for n host of evils. Uncler the present system,and as rcmcdies for existing cvils, both free trade nndunlimited machinery are ~vorthless. Tltey do not in theleast chnnge the social position of the worki~lg class-they(lo not afford this clsss either increased wealth or increasedleisure-they do not make this class independent of thecontrol and the exactions of other classes-and thereforefree trade and nlachinery are not the proper remedies forthe wrongs existing in conilection with tiependence, andpoverty, and inordinate toil. Such is the vast differencebetween tlie partial and the general possession of n~ightpbenetits !Ir~timatelp connected \vith the free trade and unrestricted~unchinery remedies, 311d :id~~cated by sanlcclass, is thc rcrnrdy of emigration. It 112s long bee11 seenthat there mas nlorc labour in the United ICingdom thancoultf bc ~~npIoyed by the capitalists at any price-it llnsfor years bren fclt by thc \rorli~nen engngecl in manufactures,t11;tt mncl~ir~cry \s;~s slo\vly but surely taking fromthem every thing tltat can mxlte life desirable, and throrringthem upon the world dmost destitute of the polver ofdetermini~lg whether the!. ~rlo~llii lire or die. AS machineryhas s1~1)ersedcd t11c labour of thc \vorltmen engngcdin 11articular trailes, their wages have come down shrll~ngby shilling ant1 penny Lp penny, until at length the mostincessant labour is scarcely adequate to procure the coarsestfood. Large masses of nlen Iliire been placed in thisposition ; and a greitt antl grat1ri:tlly increasir~g portion,unable to obtain eml)loymeut on any terms, have been cornpellcdto fill1 back upon the slcniler provisior~ \rhich poorlaws yet allow for the relief of the destitute. Tlte re~ueilywhich the cal)ikllist has devised for this state of things,tloes not go to the finiling of n~oderatc labour and ani1)leren~~~rteratio~l for the I\-orl;ma!~--does not go to the equita-1)le division of the wealth which the niachinery anti thelal~our call into existence-does not go in any way to alterthe causes nhicl~ have intlilreii the preseut state of things-but it ~voultl expatriate the Ilirlf-famishetl workman tosome foreign clime, where I~is ~nnrn~urings will be u~theanl,his threats unfe;ireil, anii his ~ra~lts unrelieve(1 by the~rretcl~ed pittn~ce cstortcd fro111 capital by means of poorrates.

In most of tlie countries to ~rhicl~ emigrants ire tllus(lespatclled, the land is of a barren descriptiott and theclimate insalubrious. But, {rere the soil tl~c best that thosuu sl~ities upon, and the air tlie porest that can bebreatlied-were sltcl~ a place all that the ire.ut of man can"is11 for-it could, under the present social system, be productiveof no inore bapl)iness or nlorality tllan is obrrra.Sle here. There would be ineql~ality of l,ossessic.;s, ine.c~~ality of labo~lr, and inequality of enrl~;lngcs-therewo~ld be superiors and inferiors-there \voulcl be cliscord,and eovy, and h:ltrc(I-there lvottld be tyrants slid rlaves.That such rv~ul(l be the case; is proved by the records ofevery colony slliel~ Brit;iin or any otl~er nittiou 11as yetestaI;l),lisbccl ; awl the reitsoas lr11y it \\lo~lltl be so, :l~icl be soncccssarily, have already been 5110iv11.One of the chief recommcntlirtiol~s lreltl out to intluccthe working classes to etriigr:lte, \rill be buticl to coatiiis,if vieuretl for one momc~tt, a col~tratliction it1 itself. Tl~cproducers are told that matly persons, rho etnigritte aspoor lrorlring men, soon become very rich, acquire landsantl houses, and emp2qy man, laboz~rers. Ilere is at oncea picture of the present systenl-an aelino\~ledg~~leut thatthe producers are in all places a doomed class. In :L colony,as sell as in a tl~ichl~r-popuIate country, one milncurl become rich only on condition that inany shall remainpoor-one man is att entployer, and obtains labourers byhire, only because the litbourers arc too destitute to setthemselves to work-and such ineclnality of contlitior~ incolonies, and sue11 a division of society ittto cmploycrs andemployed, sbekvs at once, if ;dl otber proof were w;attitigthat the rcrncciy of onig~.iltion is fi)r the nrorliisg m:ls 110rcnietly whatever.~rn;~ng their other spec~ll;ltions, the 1)olitical economistsprofess to 11:tve discoverecl t11:tt pop111;itio11 has ti tct~tletlc~to increase faster than the means of snbsistence-~rll~icllmeans, in other words, tlrat tnore cltiltlren are born intothe worltl than can be properly providcd for-and it is fromthis inferred, tl~;tt, ever1 if the systes of conin~unity weresecurely establislte(lJ and every perso11 left at liberty tomarry, it moc~ltl it, a sl101.t titnc be impossible to provide:I sut~iciency of suhsistet~cc for all ; antl therefore ;in i~nillenscanloutrt of poverty \voultl be gencraterl, and men~oul(1 prey llpon each other as tl~ey rlo at ~~rcserlt.Wllrterer may hare been the reasons ~{~hicll led men totllis ,l,illion, awl I~n\\~erer 1nm;11 or little the doctrine may,l,l,ly to tile present systenl, is ~io\r a niattcr of no moment.rr]le collsitlcr;itiou~ wl~iclr 11ii\~c beell ctltered illto respectillgtile lliitllt-c ;,o~nrilrin4of \~~e:iltll, slle\~ that, under tilesrstcn, of coni~i,~i~lit~, it will be in the poiver of society toll&-xlrc Sll\,siste~lce idequate to mcet the J Y ~ of ~ dl SPunIan bCilig$ that may be \)om for tlln~sillld~ of rears.prolluetilln is no\\, fettered \ i i~inumcrable~cl~ains-it is nutdepeIlclcn~ 0s at large, but awaits the iriddiag ofImrtielll;w cl;~scs-ittld, iarte:ld of bre:iliing tl~r boll(lslrllic:ll ccjllfine it, ar1(1 gathering together :\MI rlnitillg its(liri.lell ancl lloitile f(,rccs, the ecoliomist~ W01lld,tr;ct I~oIl~l;~tio~~ to the ca1);tbilities of restricted PHItlnction.TlliS rellrclIy is of tllc s:l~re cl~i~rii~te~ as those \Vllicllllavc beell alwatiy exniiincd ; an(\ it is anotl~cr bliud.ttcnll)t to rclierc :I conse(larllcc aitl~o~~tinterbring wit11its cnlse. ~ 1lM)l)~llati(>t~1 ~ \v:u~t sdaistr,lce-tl~e n~bsistcneercllllires l;J,ullr and tl~e ran. material : the p~~ln~:lti~tltile ]d)oar \vit,11in tl~ernselres, md thelllaterialexists on every Of t11cn1 : I)llt the raw iraterid is left~l~to~~llal, labour is eni~sed, prodllction tllerefore Imguisllcs,a,l(i the people starve ! The very character oftllc evil sltggsts ;kt once the proper retncrly ; alld that is,to place tile lalrar 2nd the material in colita~t, theI~ess~lrc of l)opulation upon s~~bsirte~~ce will be as a storyof tirncs. It is not now the earth \vl~ich is fanlty, noris the ]:lbour faulty, but the social systc?nl is finllty \vllicllmisappropriates the earth and mis-directs the laboor. TlteIsprong lies ill the systcn, ; and ;I restriction Of l)oplll;lti~ll,:is it \\rill ncitller set prot\uction free, nor gilre to the producertllc fruits of his exertions, will lcavc the \rorkmanjust \rllcro it fin(ls him--\rc:trird \vith liibour, ant1 "pressingupon the s~~bsistc~~ce" allutte(l to l~ilo by Capital.~t is lnucll more easy to find.f;lult witli a thing than tonlnen(l it. Tile systenl of community, as we have alreadysect,, Ins had its pri~~ciplcs decried a11d its aclvantages disputed; but el~ererci it has Jleen placed in j~xta-~)osition,vith tile present systenl, atid Ila(1 applied to it the testswhich are l,no\rt~ to be good, its excellence has been themore apparent after every trial. Tlie joint-stock modificationconimunity of possessions, dissin~ilar t110ugll it be

L.~BOUIZ'S REMEDY. 191to the existing system, is nevertheless of such a character,that a11 its arrangements and modes of action nlay betested by the common experience of every man. But, a]-though it has been thus weighed and tried in almost everyconceivable manner that can be of importance, there is nodoubt that ignorance and interest will conjure up irnttginarydifliculties which it is not possible for reason to copewith or experience to overthrow.To enumerate all the evils and wrongs connectec: wit11the present social system would require a recapitulation ofall history ; to bring into view and compare every remedywhich has at times been devised for these evils and wrongs,would tlernaud a repetition of all the laws \sl~icll governmentalignorance and priestly intolerance has ever framed ;antl to sum op every advantage liliely to accrue front tltcsystem of community of possessions, would require a 1i110wletlgeof the known and the unknown wants of rnankil~d atlarge.13ut it is said that tlte great principle of equality ofrights has been weighed in the balance and found wanting-that its manifestations have been rnarlied by fire, andblood, and desolation-that it levels all that is high andgood, and sinlts lower still all that was depraved and detestable.The considerations which have been er~teretlinto respecting the naturc and operation of the principleof equality, so far from bringing into view characteristicssuch as these, prove most convincingly that such attributesdo not belong to equality of rights, and cannot exist in conllectionwith equality. If devastation and slaughter havemarked the progress of any social movement-and historytells us that they have hitherto atte~ltlcii every advance ofman-it is not the principle of ecjuality of rights which isaccountable for them. The principle, from its very nature,can never be productive of such results; and whereverliberty is outraged, and life or property sacrificed, it is thebl:ick and bloody spirit of Despotisnl which is at work, andnot the fair and just principle of eq~iality of rigl~ts. Aprinciple can never violate itself; and whenever eil~lality ofrights is outraged, and wrong and injustice endured, wethere behold the operation of a principle which is unconnectedwith and contrary to equality.When viewed in its just character and proportionswhenstripped of the bugbear garb in which "existinginterestsv clothecl it-~rhat is there unseemly inequ;llity of rjgllts? TVh;tt is there, in a social systenifounded upon this principle, that holl~~t~r ~~ould turn fron~or jllstice condel~lt~ ? lve II~LSC vie11 ctl its operation inregaltl to tile production and distribution of ne:tltl~,allti tile establishment of political autl~ority-we hare belleltiit ;is inflllerlcirlg ant1 governi~lg every transactionbetween Illan all(l man-:tnd tl~c picture presents a Iiarlnoniolls:tIl(l l~~cll-l)~oportione(~ nrl~olc, colnprised of 1 nst ])owers,ilnlnense pro!luction, and unirers;t! enj~ylll~llt.In tile conllnou govcl.nmental revolutions ~r-lricl~ occasionallytake l)l;tce in ~~;ttions, there is nrnch illjusticei~lflictctl, ant1 1urlc11 blood ;111(1 ~vcaltl~ sncrificed, by Lot11 tlreol)lwcs5ors ~110 the oppressed. Sucl~ ~novc~nents r:trelyrest on pri~~ciplcs of ;III~ lii1111 ; b ~ society, ~ t sl)lit 111) intof;tctio~ls, a11t1 let1 l)y men 11avi11g vario~~s :III~~ (lissin~ilarc,Lj,jccts in vie\\., is Inore at war \\,it11 itself t11an with thecnelny \r~l~icll is intcndeci to be overthro\vn. These cl~angeaare never ~norc tl~an a succession of tyra~~nies ; they arcgenerally commeucccl antl carric(1 oli for the attninment ofexclusive benefits for particular clnsses ; they oftenleave tile producers of n-ealth ill a \rorsc condition thanthey were 1)pfore the cl~iu~gc tool; plnce. But the present~novcmcnt is not of this ev;tnescent ant1 csclusirc cl~aracter-it 11;~s 110 leatlcrs, and no class a11t1 c:tstc interests to subserve-itis not to be estnblishetl by a particr11:lr party today,and su1,verted by another p:~rty to-~norrotr. I:csti11~on 1,ronil11nving.a clear ztnd ~rrell-defined objectill view, and c~nbmcing soc~ety at large, it is of a cl~aracterdtogetl~cr disti~~ct from tile petty moven1cnts 11 hicll have~wcccc'lctl it ; nntl, ~rorliit~g out its resr~lts by means (liferentto ally hitherto n~;~de use of, tl~c evils n.l~ich 11;irecxistctl in con~l~ction wit11 previous cll;~rlges hare no rlecessaryconnection wit11 the present.The social system of comn~~~nity of possessions is of sucha cllaracter, that it contains within itself not only all therequisites desired by the economists, but also all the politicalequality co~~teniietl for by the politicians ; and it hasbeen proved, fro111 inco1~troverti1)le facts, that, untler thepresent systcrn, none of tl~cse tl~ings can be productive ofatlvantnge to tlre great bulk of society. It has been she\vntlr:tt existing arrangements tencl to create n diversity of interests,and an ir~equaiity of conditiou, and a conscque~~t

system of legislation for the exclusive benefit of particularclasses ; and undcr such arrangements it is not possihie todevise efficient re~ncdies, nor can just laws and rcgu1:ltionsbe kept sacred. But, untler t11e system of community xrltleclilality, tlie insulting tyrant and tlte trembling slavetlreovergorged caI)italist, and the fan~islling prodr~ccreverysocial ill ant1 governmental grievance now e~iduretl-will be s\vept away, and tlte place which has ltnown tho11will k110w the111 no longer. Tlre present system !rill tltetibe a memcnto of the past-a beacon to point out the rocliswhereon nrilliotis of Iiunlan )>arks have becn split anristr;rnded-a lo;ithsome shore, coveretl wit11 brolten Itcarts,and laved by an ocean of human tears !CHAPTERTHE ENCOURAGEnIENTS AND DISCOIJRAGE2lENTSOF THE POIlITICAL ECONOI\lTSTS IN REGARDTO A SOCIAL CHANGE.As nn instri~mcnt for cffectirtg tlre subversion of the pre- 'sent system, n11il as a prcpnratory step to the cstablisliiiientof coinmunity of possessions anti equality of rights in itsmost perfect form, tliere is scarcely to be found one ~vhiclicontili~is so many facilities as tllc joint-stock movement,an(1 tliere is not one against mliich so few o1)jections can beurged. A movcn>eut of this character combines all that isg00(1 in the present system with much that is essential toa better system ; and, being founded on ~vell-tried principles,and moving onwards by \r~ell-I;non~ri laodes and every-(Jay occurrences, it can sustain no injury from the commonmar-cry of stupidity nnil craft, that it is "visionary" andin11)racticable." Tllis step simply supposes that the landaudreal capital of the collntry are possesseii by, and usccl for,society at large-that this capital is obtained from its presentpossessors by valuation i~nd purcllase-that this purchaseis made by the great productive section of the cQmmunitp-thatthis section is ciivided into an indefinitenumber of sn~aller sections, after the manner of joint-stockcompanies-that these companies create a circulating mediumto the nrilouut of tlie real capital held by them-thatthis medium is niade use of by the various companiesnccording to the number of tlieir members and the particularbrnncli of tmde in wtricli they are engaged-tliat alltliese compniiies, and society at large, buy and sell bymeans of this rneiliuln-tliat one uniform scale, in regiirdboth to tinle of labour and alnotint of wages, exists Rnlong

all these companies, and estenlls to every individual be-Iollging to them-that all articles of produce are valued;tccortling to the labour besto\red upon them-tliat :+ com-I~OII natior~al fund is establisl~etl. for the construction of1)1111lic \170rlis, the carrying on of government, the providingof education for all, and the mnintcn:~nce of the bereavedyou~lg, the llelpless, ;u~tl the aged ; Sot- the i~lsurance oflwol)erty, and for cffecti~ig every other object rvlrlch the\rants a1it1 exige~icies of society tniiy require.A social change like this nrould rrtain every thing n~liiclri.; worth preserving ir~ the present system, ant1 iust;l~itaneor~slysweep anray all those evils rvllich are i~ltlissoluJ)l!-contrectetl \vitli uncqrial cxcllanges, incqllality of possessinris,antl the tlivision of society into classes antl c;~stos.Tl~e siml)lic.ity ant1 efficiency of ;krr:~ngerncrlts srlcl~ as tl~cst:stantl prc-cn~incnt wrhcn cotn1);lrctl it11 the gor(ii;~~~ COIIIplexityof the existit~g system, in wl1ic11 :dl interests :irec11)~jozctl antl entangletl, in which every 1)rotlrlctive eftiwt isc.o~np;~r;itively incffectu;tl in accorr~plisl~ing the entl tlcsired,and in wl~icl~ there is no power cill):/bl~ of regulating antiitdjusting the movements of society as a, \~~Iiolc, and tlirectingall efforts, in one l~ar~rio~iious flow, to it \\.ell-delinet1ant1 proper end. Flritli comm~inity of possessions, lion.-ever, every circumstance relating to the w clfare of societyIII:I~ be effectually cor~trollett ; :tntl the joil~t-stoclc mooif!-cation, ljy being so constituted as to :ulmit of individualjwopcrt!~ in prodzcctions in connection wit11 a com7non projve7.i,yin prorluctive pomers-making ererp individual de-1)(~11dent on his own esertions, :uid at the same time a!lowiughim au equal participation in every advantsge affordedby nature ant1 art-is fitted to take society as it is, and toprepare the way for other and bettcbr changes.111 proof tlrat this joint-stocli modific;ttion of society isir~colnl)arai~ly superior to the existing system, ant1 lilrcwise:IS an cncour;igelnent to those wl~o ~vill uot f~ear ot' changesunless tiley are su1)ported I)y the authority of great names,the leading 1)olitic;~l eco~iomists shall give their testimony,and express their convictions as to wliat they deem necessaryfor the welfare of society. Some of tl~esextracts were intentleda arguments for the mainten:ince of the present system; ntllers as attacks upon that system of commnnitjr of~)osscssions of which this joint-stoclc movcn~cnt is merely nltiotlification ; ant1 otlrers, agtio, arc aclino\vletlgtne~~ts thatthe present snci:il systern needs revision and amendment.That these opinions may not lose their true value on accountof popul;~r l)rejodiccs agninst, or propossessions in favour of,tileindi\~iduals esp~cssing them, all nanlcs areomitted ; for those conversant ~ritlr the vorlis of sncl~ \rriters\rill at once perceive from n.11ol11 tile extracts aret~ken. An~ongstl~cse arguments, and all others adducedby tlre snrnc class, these is nothing atlvanced in support ofthe esistirlg system \sl~icli\\.ill not afford ten-fold supportto the joint-stocli system ; and none of the ol~jections urgedagniust the inore advarrcecl systern of conrrnunity of possessionswill apl)ly to the inovemcnt noun uiider considcra-Lion.licsl,ccting, firstly, the necessity of a social change, it isconfcssctl :-

sessions, ~vill only for a time be able to resist the convictionsn.hic2l the ~vorliing of republican institutio~~s trillforce upon them, that tllerc is 710 rvr~~y of securing perfectsocid llbert,y on democratic principles but by COM&IuNIrrYOF PIIOPERTY."" TVlicn the people become tired of their universal servitudeto n.orldly anxiety-when they have fully meditatedand discussed the fact, that ninety-nine hundredthsof social offences nrise directly out of property-tl~at tl~elargest proportion of human faults bear n rclation to selfisll1)osscssion-that the most forn~itlal~lc classes of discnscs arccausctl by over or under toil, and by ansicty of mintl-they\trill be re:uly for the inquiry, ~vlicthcr this trcmcntlous incu-!)us 11c intlcctl irrcmoval)lc; and whrthr,r any drflc7ll~ics nttendingi&s removal can be co~nl~nrablr to !lie evils it inj/llicts."This is thc evidence of an economist, drawn from a consicierntionof the contlition of a 1)enple untler n deniocraticform ol government ; ant1 wlrilc it plainly slrc~r~s t11;tt theIvroog is within the system, it afYords every encouragementto replace this system by a better. Keeping in view the~)rinciples and modes of action connrcted \vith the jointstocksystem a1re:idy considered, we have only, in reviewingthe cl~ief points contendetl for by the economists, tocompare the two systems together. The superiority oftlre system of community of possessions, and the meakncssof the csisting system, mill be apparent in every instanceIt will l ~e seen, lil;ewise, that the principles on which the'joint-stocli movement is founded, are those n~liich theeconomists allow to be the chief props of tlie present system,and to be consonant with justice, and practicable, andefticier~t ir~ the highest degree.LADOIJR." Labour mas the first price, the original purchasemoney,that mas paid for all things. It was not by gold orl~p silver, but by labour, that all the wealth of the worldwas ori~inall~ nurclrascd."" J3v;ry riyal; in society ongllt to belong to one class of1)roducers or the other, or to stimulate production by usefulthough unproductive labour."" Till the liuman race reaches its highest point of nttainment,tllere must be always something more to do; an0 themore porver is set at liberty to do it, the better. Till allthe arts and scicl~ces are esl~austed, till nature has fur-nished the last of her resources, and man found the limitof his means of making use of thcm, the greatestsz~pp{y of humaa labour is 7vnnted."('While the race at large lias still so lnrtny wants andwishes ungratified, it ought to be an easy thing for allyquantity of labour 1v11ich is turnecl away from one kind ofwork, to find employment in another. That it is not easy,is tile fc~z~lt of the constitzrtion of society, and Ire shoultl befar from remedying the evil by repressing the ~~rincipleand restricting the power of labour."The joint-stoclc niovcment cont;tins a11 tllesc rcql~isitcsand aff'ords all these facilities in n clcgrce i~~iil~itcly s~lpcriclrto the present systcm.ciirIrrL\I.." Capital is that p;~rt of tl~c ~ve;tltll of the coontry \rltichis cmploycd in ; nticl consists of footl, clotlling,tools, ritw materinl, ~nncllincry, kc., ~~ccessary to give rtfcctto 1;lbolrr."" Wit11 n population pressing against tlle means of subsistence,the only remedies :ire, either a reduction of ~COple,or a more rnpid ncc~~mztlation of cnpital.""The wealth of :L country may be increased in trvoways : it inay be increased b?y employing a greater portiot~of revenzre in the nlaintenance of productive labour ; or itmay be increased, without e~nploying any additional quantityof labour, by malting the same qzinntity nzorc productive."" There is no amount of capital wliich mqy not be employedin n c07(nfry, because deninnd is only limited bypro(1uction.""A IICW creation of capital is al~rays a benefit to society,by creating a new dcniand."" Large cal~ifals, quell ~nnnagec!, prodzrce ill n In rger1)roporlio7~ II'L(I?L S~?~N!I."" \Vllerc consumers abound in proportion to capital, it isobvious tftat the way to bestow most Ilappincss is, not totake away one man's share to give it to another, hilt to (lowhat is possible to~unrrl creatiljg another share, in such ;tway as not to cause more \rrant." For, " Protlaction beingthe great end in the emplo!rmcnt of labour anct capital,Ihnt application of both wl~ich seczircs the largest procfzlctionis the best."Every thing that is here desi;.c?d can be at once accom-

plished under the joint-stoclc system. Such a system willinsure a more rapid ncc~inzulntion of capital-it will employa greater portio~~ of revenue in productive lahouritwill, I)y admitting an unlimited quantity of rnaclliuerp,make flze lalrozrr e?)~ployed ?noye productive-i t nril l \r.orlcmealls of lnrge cal~itals-it will crec~te an nddifionalshare for those who are now destitute, without interferingwith the share possesset1 by others-anti it is, ti~ronghont,611ch an application of capital ant1 labour as must securethe largest amount ofproduction.CURRENCY." TO secure the public against any other variations inthe v:ilr~e of the currency tlli~rr tlrosc to which the stal~tlarditself is sul~jcct, and, at the s:lmc time, to carry on the circuliltionwit11 a mcdi~l~n t/te least expensive, is to atelin thernost perfect state to u.11ich a currency can be brought."" That commodity is alone invitriablc .rvl~ich at all timesrequires IAe same sacr$ce of toil and lotour to procl~reit."The paper ant1 pottery medium wit11 which businesswor~ld be transactetl under tile joint-stocli system, com-1)ines both the security ant1 the unexpensiveness wl~ich ishere desired. The foundation of this currency is labonr-1)y whatever denomination called, and however divitled,either in pounds and sl~illi~~~s, or in labour notes, it is onlyintentled as a voucher for or a representative of laborlrandtl~erefore it is a standard as invarial~le as any that canbe marle use of. IIe who is paid a weeIi's wages in thiscurrency, procures for it precisely wlrat he gave-a givennumber of hours' Iiibonr, or the ~)rocluce of sucll labour,from some other person; and I~o~rever numerous may bethe transactions entered into, or the parties exchanging,one uniform and unalterable measure of justice \rill beobtained and enjoyed by all.EXCIIAhTGES.In the present social system, society is ifivided into richand poor, or employers ant1 employed-the last, by their1>0sition, being left entirely at the mercy of tlte first ; andit has been s1,etrn that this division and classification is~nfavourable to the creation of wealth, because it allows avast mass of labour to remain uncrnployetl-that it isdestructive of social h;irmony, becauses it places tile interestsof men in opposition, ar~d nrakcs the gains of oue class'to be an accumnlatioa of the losses of another-and that,from tIlus retarding production, leaving labour uncmllloycd,and bringing n~eriil~d classes into hostile col\ ision,tl!is (livision ant1 classification of society is the in:rne tliatecause of all the vice, and crime, and misery, n-hich is nowcommittetl :~ntl endured by civilized man. It has likc\cisebeen Iwoveil that this state of things is primarily inducetl,not by ineqr~nlity of powers in men and classes, but byuneqt~al escllangcs. If, therefore, the present soci:il evilsare to be remetlietl, the classificatioll of society ant1 theinequalit!' of contlition from wlliclt they spring must besubverted ; ant1 this can be a~coln~lisl~ctl only by the estab-Iisllnlent of the just princil)lc of equal eschnnges, which.rvill ctt'cctuillly rctnctly ;ill these evils by rcll~oving tllcc;~uses of tl~e~n. 13ut the general equ;dity of contlition\rllicll wooltl be inclucctl by eclllnl escllangcs, is, to thec;y)italist ant1 tile economist, the last and the most tlrcadetlof all remedies. Tl~ey n.ould for ever go on patching anti])lastcring tl~c present system, mnliing another llolc byevery clumsy ;ittempt to rcp;iir one alrcntly csistir~g. Theirown doctrines, Itonrever, if the economists did but see it, arestrong arguments ir~ favour of eqnal exchanges ; and go toshew that eq~lal cscl~anges is the true ;~ncl the on:yrcnletly :-'' Tlre quantity of commodities proilt~ced by cql~al qlinlrtiliesof' toil and trolible is not nl\r'nys equal; but real valueilcpends on the clzlnnliiy of lalo~rr expcndeif, and not ontlre mode ill .rvhicl~ it is expended, or on the degree of itsprodr~ctivcricss."" Labour is the price that man ~nllst pay for all thingsnot sponta~rw~~sly furnishetl by nature ; anrl it is plainly1)y the nzmgnitr~dc ofthe price sopairl, and not by the magnitudeof the thiugs thelnselves, t11:it their real value is tobe estimatcil."" It is not to any one colnmntlity, or set of commodities,but to some given quanti/y oj' Iclbonr, that we nlust referfor an unvaryillg stnlrdard of real value."Nere is,a recognition of the principle that real value isclepenilent upon labour ; and the only iuference that canbe drawn fro111 it is, tl~iit all Inen \vllo perform an equalquantity of labour ougllt to receive an equal remuneration.Suclr is one of tlrc main principles of the joint-stock.movement, as \vcll as of' the Inore perfect state of society

to which this movement mill lead ; and snd~ equaI rcmnnerationfor equal labour, as it will prevent one man orclass from being supported in idleness ant! lux~~ry at tl~eexpense of another, must rnaintsin a general equality ofcondition. But, evitlent as is tl~is conclusion, it appearsnot to be perceived, for it has been said :-"I SO far agree with the co-operators as to believe thetime to be discernible when co-operation, in n cerfrrin sense,shall prevail-meaning thereby, when all inlerests sha/lbe harmonisc.d instead of opposed; hut that this includesequality of condition, I cannot allow, since varieties ofcl~aracter seem to me to forbid such equality." Tlle jointstocksystem is no more than '' co-opcratiotl in a certainsense," and, from its nature, it must " llarrnonise all interests,"ant1 be subversive of the existing inequality of condition.Strange arc the inconsistencies into which the economistsfall, in the vain attempt to malce the worse appear the better cause. 111 regard to the present state of society in itsbest form-that of e~nplo~in~ every labourer, but compellinghim at the salne time to maintain the capitalist-andto shew that tl~is state of things is more just than thatlvhich insures employment and support for all-this contradictionis advancctl :-" This liiud of equality [not tile equality wliich mouldprevent the poor worker from supporting the rich idler,hut which moult1 merely prevent the rich idler from nominallysupl~orting the poor idler] I am doing all 1 can to])rocure, by doing away with the protection to some whichimposes hurdens on others. 13y the same principle I ambound to oppose that arbitrary ecjuality ivhich enriches therueak with the. frzrits of !he strong mnn's laboz~r!" N e r ~in it is absurdly assnrrrecl that the nearest approximationto equal exchanges which can be arrived at-that whichwould give equal remuneration for equal labour-contains~ritl~in itself more injustice than those arrangements whicharbitrarily wive quadruple remuneration for no labourwhatever! File supposition refutes itself. It has beenproved that neither the present sjrstern of inequality, nor anymotlification of this system, can '< do away with the protectionto some which iml)oses brlrtlens on others." Suchimposition of burdens-such " enriching the weak withthe fruits of the strong man's labour"-is a xlecea~ry con-setluence of uneqnal exchanges, and is the very ail11 nndof the existing system. It is this b. vent ant1 b. ~laringinjustice ~.llicl~ ~I~;~r;~cteriscs the ~)TCSCII~ 11) contratl~stinctionto t]le (lesirntl system. Si~nili~r co~~tr;ltlictions antiabsur(lities are manifest iii every atte~nl)to inaintnin inequalityof condition :-" Man's nature involves incqnality of ponrers ; ant1 thisdecree of Provitlcace can never be set aside, or its oparationnentralisett, by any decree of lnan tint the fruits ofthose powers shall be equally tiividetl. Such a decree involvesilljustice. " * As long as men arc rrnlilic oneanother there will be a tlistinctio~l of ranlts, though thedistinction may be mailrtai~~ctl by a Iwttcr yrinciplc tl1n11heritage. Eanl< ant1 \rcnltl~\vill, I trust, be 111 time distributetlaccortling to natural I;i\rs ; ln~tlcg~.ccs of 1.i111li :\I\(\\realtl~ there will aln~ays be ; an11 the ncivoc;ttcs of a systc~~~of equality would greatly promote their cause by a fr:tukrecognition of this trrltl~. IVllilc all evidence from \rllicf~a jutlg~ue~~t cnn be for~ncd is before tl~cm, and they cnnltnto a conclusion in direct oppositio~l to the evidence, I cannot,however much I may rcspect them on some accounts,think them wise and safe guides of the people. The necessityof iueqaality of condition may be established thus :-* " There must be an inequality of pllysical :\nil mentalpo\rrers, at all events ; and tl~erefore an inequ:tlity inthe prottuce of individual 1;tbour. No one labours, or everwill labour, without a view to the fruits ; and those fruits,I~o~vever appropriated, are property. If a giant protlucesten times as nlucl~ as a dwarf, and each is allo\ved the samemiddle portion of the fruits for his maintenance and enjoyment,is it to be supposed that the giant will trouble himselfIlenccforth to produce more than the dwarf ?"The whole of these arguments have been apain nn(lagain refuted. It has never been affirmed that tl~ere is nperfect equality of powers in men, or that equal rcmunerationfor equal labour involves perfect justice ; but it hasbeen shewn that sucli equality is infinitely more just t!]anthe mode of rervartling labour under the present system.It has likeivise been proved, from " all evicience fron~ whicha judgment can bc formed," that incqunlity of condition, ort l gradation ~ of ranlts, is in no way conncctctt with incqualityof powers ; but that, on the contrary, this inequalityof condition is produced and maintained by unequal

exchanges. " 1\11 evidence," also, s11eu.s tllat it is the inferior,trnd not the superior, potver~ of sOCiety that areplacctl in cxalteil stations ant1 possessed of cscl~~sive privileges;and that the minds e.hich conceive and tlre bonesantl muscles which execute enjoy tlle least ant1 the worstportion of their own creations. There are amongst usneither giants nor dwarfs in respect to l,roc!uction ; forcivilisetl society is so corlstituted-prodt~ctio~l is so multifariousand varied in its p:irts--mental and plrysical powersare generally so oppositely besto\r.etl--that there can I)efount1 no occupation for wliicl~ some lncrl are not rnore suitablethan others, and in \r,llicll, however incnl,acitatctl forotl~er pursuits, they .rrlill not attain tlle utmost limits of liumnupcrfectil)ility. If me11 do r~ot now I~l)orir, ant1 ncvrr willlabour, mithorlt a view to the fiwits-if tl~c tlcsirc to enjoythese fruits be the chief spur to intlustry-it is certainthat men will not 1al)our lcss cl~eerfillly and intlustriouslpunder a social systenr whicl~ gives to eacll lnan the ~vf~o!efruits of llis exertions, t11;ul tl~ep (lo ilndcr tllc presentsystem, in .rrl~icl~ every man toils with the certain convictionthat nearly three-fourths of his just reward \.trill be slvallon.etlup by the exactious of jjrofit and interest, and bygorernmental imposts of every Itind. Thus, in whateverlight vie\red-nvl~ether tested by theory or fact,-tlic presentsystem discloses nothing but wealtness and rottelrness ;and is so constitutionally defective and corrupt, its inherentprinciples of ineql~lity so peq~ctually operating, thatit al\r.ays must Ile, as experience shews it alivays has been,destructive of every just goyernmental institution. Bubthere are many other arg~rments brougllt against the systemof comm~rnity of possessions, antl tl~ey all equallycarry their refutation along with them :-" When the advocates of a common stocli can sliou~ tlrattlleir system aucments capital and regulates populationmore effectrlally than the system under which indivitlualproperty is heltl, their ~)rctensior~s will be regarded withInore firvour than they have l~itl~crto enjoyed." It hasLcen shewn that the joint-stock modification of communityof possessions Innet, from its principles and its mode ofaction, augment and regulate capital to any amount ofpopul;rtion, without having recourse to any of tllose incflicbientexpetlicnts rvflich are now tlevisetl to restrict populalationto the powers of capital. Again :-I( IIere is an engagement to find em~)lo!~me~lt for all \rl~o\roaltl not or co111d not procure it for tllemselres. R'on-, ;ISthe employmcl,t of 1;tborlr nrust tlcl)crlc\ on the srllsis/orcef~c?~d,no law on cart11 can enforce the e7~rplqyme~lt qf'7,roreIuborir tlln7t that afi~7til CRI~ SII~I>OY~." The fi~llacy of tllisargume!rt in reference to tire joint-stocl; syste~n has :rlre;ltlybee11 shewn ; for it will i~l,l~lv only to the present system,wit11 its limited itmoul~t of money. There are now implementsand macllincs in abulrtlal~ce to fill the hands of alln~en-tl~ere is no clcscription of n-enltlr wllicl~ is nut\var~tetl--n~en :,re supported, in some way, n.lletller tlreywork or not-nnd tlley are idle in thot~santls because tileciipitalists have not money nl!crerr.ith to set tl~ctn to \\orli.If this " subsistence f~rud" be nroney, it can be colilr~ctl, ;iswe 11;1\.e secli, to any nmollnt ; if tl~c tcrnr I~nre rutcrenceto food, clotl~in~, and ~~tet~sils, gluttctl ~nnrltets of everykind sl~ew t l ~ there t is :t stoclc of tllesc tlriugs a~nl)ly sufficientto s1111~)ly the \vllolc labouring coollrnlrttrity of theUnited Ring:!oln until tl~cir labour has crented anotherstock. The joint-stocl; movement \rill (10 a\rlay at oncewit11 all these difticulties ; for it will create a represeotativefor this sub;istcnce fu11t1-it \\rill systen~atio~lly directthe combi~leil energies of the prot1uctir.e classes to the creLtion or \vealtI~-it \rrill second these efforts by the mostpowerful machines mlricll ingcnuitv can invent-and it willthus insure to men the enjojrmentof :In arnounb of ~realtllsuch as they can now scarcely conceive of. But tlre prcsentsystem is of such a cl~aracter that it will adnlit of no;~pplianccs capable of effecting tlre en(1s desired. Altl~ouglrall labour is at all times supportctl, it cannot allrays be setin motion ; and even wlren set in motion, there is no securitytl~at it sh;tll continue active-there is no power citpableof deterrniniug ~vlrether " panics" sl~illl or s11;lll nottake place, nncl 1'11t a stop to lwo(111ction an(1 doom the'labourer to starvation. So long as society is mni~ttainetl or*its present princil)les, the renledies of tlie political economiststent1 only to confuse and bewilder the inquirer ; forthey atford no sntisf.actory solution of the anomalies existingon all sides, and they cannot determine to mlrat estent,or for what time, particular evils sllall be endured. Thatconlmunity is the one thing needful, llo\vever, is shewn byits atlaptntion to overconle every ditficulty rrliicll the economistil~ects with iu the present system :-

204 LABOUR'S WRONGS AND L.~~)OUR'S REMEDY. "5" The power to pzlrchase (i. e. yield an eclnivaTei~t forvalue received) is the renl nnd t hc only desideratum. It isthe in~npaca't~y of fi~rnishin~ eq~livalents for the productsthey wish to obtain, that involves so many in wantantl wretchedness. The more, then, that this c;ipacity isii~crcasetl, and the more the fi~cilitp ofis illcreased,the more will the condition of society be improvecl."What can be a stronger argument, with an econon~ist, forthe iotroductio~ of tl~e joint-stocli movement ? And,agaln :-I' Every measure that has any tendency to add to fheg)o?ver of labour, or to reduce tlre cost of the comn~o(litics~)roducctl I)p its agency, must atltl proportionally to ourpower of obtaining wealth and riclles; while every measureor regulation w111ch has any tcntlency to waste labour,or to raise the cost of producing commotlities, must eqrlallylessen this power. This, then, is the simple and decisivetest hp which Ire :we to jr~tlge of the expediency of everymeasure affecting the ~vralth of the country." If addingto the quantity of labour have anything to do with addingto its power-if the unlimited application of machinery11,zve anything to do with the increase of this power-thenmill the joint-stock system bear the test here applied to allmeasures affecting production.But it is im~wssible to notice all the arguments broughtforward by the economists in favour of a change, or tltecontradictions which they fall into when denouncing thesystem of community. FV11ile one says that "capital isnot lilcely to be cared for when it belongs to everyboily,that is, nobody;" and that "common-stoclc institutions\roultl soon become as so many \vorkhouses, or pauper barracks;" another afirms that " the experience of all agesand nations proves that high wages, or increaserl facili~tesJor obtaining enjo?jment, arc at once the keenest spur, themost powcrfnl stimulus, to unremitting and assiduous cxertion."And, again :-If Give to any people the ponrer ofaccumillating, and we may depend upon it they will not bedisinclined to use it effectively. ' * No instance canbe produced of any people having ever missed an opportunityto amass."It lias long been a grievance to the capitalist that thereshould be any poor laws-any arrangemeilts to compel himto refuud a small portion of his ill-gotten gains for thesupport ol'tl~e trncmployc(2 and starving !rorlcing man, Anexperinlent is now being matlc to detern~iln: whetl~cr theseIRIVS n~ay 1)e abolisl~ed mith safety to those accnmulationsof wealth n.11icll rn~);~city has succeedetl in scrapi~~g together.Here is a confession t11;~t poor-laws ougllt not toexist ; and likcmrise 311 acl;nolv1edgment of the dificulticswhicl~ lie in the way of settling the mutter under the presentsystem-ciificulties \rhicli can have no esistence in thejoint-stoclc modification :-" Sillcc intligence occasions misery, and disposes to vice,the welfrire of society rcqr~ires the grentcst possible reduclionof' the n7cnlber of the indigcnl. " * %'lint, then,must 1)c (lone to lessen tile nrlmber of tlrc indigent, nowso friglitfully increasing ? The subsistcl~cc fund ~nrrst beenrl~lqyed pl.otlttctivc{y, ;iutl capit;~l and labour be allorrctlto take their ~int~u.;il course; i. e., thcpcrlq~cr .~l/slcm mll~f,by son~ men~rs or o&/tc~, be e,v/i~lgrrishcd. * + None ofthe remedies 11al.e strucli at the root of the evil, ant1 I~OIICco~lltl tl~ercforc efkct lasting gootl. The test is just this ;(lo they tend to lcssoz ihe nlr~ttbers qf the iliciigent 2" It iswell 1;nonrn horn the capitalists ~rould "lessen the numbersof the indigent"-by clegrad:ition, and expatriation, antlactual starvation. The prese~lt system so steels the richman's heart to every generous emotion-suffers Itis selfishnessto reign so blintlly p;iramount-that he untltinl

206 LABOUR'S JI1I'ICONGS ANDmills ik It is likewise i~~kn~~ledged that enormouspirate propcrty " is the great llarbourage of crime andmisery, the adversary of Itnowledge, the corrupter ofpeace, tlre extinguisher of faith and charity." It is alsoconfessed that such undue accumulations are destructive ofequitable governmental institutions :--

208 LABOUR'S WRONGS ANDsociety to mitigate or to remove the llartial or temporaryevils which follow in the train even of improvement. Ofone thing we are certain. Society can never interfere tostop tlie improvement ; and if any portion of society, whofeel the intlividaal s~~ffering, but cannot see the generalgood, should interfere, with an unavailing violence, to attemptto cliecli that which must go fortvartl, then the lawsof society must step in to protect us all, themselves amo~gstthe number, from the consequences of lawless acts." Anclthis, while it affords encouragement to the fearful and thexvaverir~g to go boldly onurartl in the march of improvement,she\rs the utter fr~tility of all attempts, by intlivitlualsarid classes, to retard the common progress of things.Antl, again :-" Tl~etime will come, trust me, when tl~ere will be anend of the system under .r~Iiich we suffer. It cannot alwaysbe that the law mill snatch the bread from the intlustriousto give it to the idle, and turn labour from its naturalcltannel, itnil tlefrautl it of its due rclvard, and allthorisethe selfslr and dissolute to mock at tliose who prize independence,and who bind themselves to self-denial that tlieymay practice charity. The time will come, clepentl uponit, when the nation will effectually take to heart such injusticeas this. There is much to undo, much to rectify,before the labours of the poor, in their prime, sliall secureto them a serene old age; but the time will come."Such, then, are the discouragements and tlte encouragementsof the political economists respecting social changes.It,is confessed by them that some great change is necessary-thata better state of things must ultimately beestablished-that the nation may institute any changeswhich it thinks proper-and they likewise point out thechief principles and modes of action that must he kept inview in any change that may be instituted. Thus everyground of cloubt and hesitation is removed, and a broad antisolid field of action is presented to the people, even bythose adversaries who have heretofol-e ignorantly doomedthem to destroction. The present movement will be butthe adding of another lit~k to the long cl~ain of humanhistory; ant1 as one link has never yet been thecounterpart of another, we need not be surprised or a pr armedif the contemplated change be somewhat different fromthose which have preceded it.CONCLUSION.HAVING 1)1'0cced~d step by step through the esistingsocial system, nnd observed ~vhcrei~~ is its strengtli as \re11as its mcal;ncss-li:lvingg srirveyed one by one its elen~cnta ofpower, ant1 bclrelcl tl~eir proper and improper co~nbinationsand apl~linnccs-having vie\veil sorne of the innumerablebl~rttells ant1 evils n.hicli this system has for ages imposednpou tlie 1)rotIuctivc classes, and csnmiued the various rcmediessuggesteit for alleviati~~g or ren~ovi~lg the natiooaldistresses-it now remains for these oppressetl ant1 despisedclasses to detrrlnine wl~ctlier any and ~vliat changes shalltake place, and to fix upon a time for action.Before all tliings, and above all tliings, tliere must kamongst them a witle-spread knotvledge of the wrong andtlie re~nedy-the means and the end. Until they obtainthis Iinowleclge-until they act in accordance with tlie dictatesof this linowledge, and unite their energies into onemass and direct them to one end-they mill continue tobe,as they always have been, the tools and the dupes of theirfello~vs. If there bc ally ainong then1 who are contentedwit11 tlieir present position in society and their futureprospects-who believe that tlieir Creator made them to bethe slaves ant1 tlie prey of tlieir fellow-men-who are willing,when worn out by years of toil, to lie down on thehighway side and die like dogs-if tliere be any suchantoag ~vorlting Inell, they will not ask for a social change;but if there be tliose who believe that the rights of menare eqilal-that man can claini no dominion over manthatlife was given for another purpose than that of beingspe~it in one unvarying round of incessant toil-then willthey demand, and tliey \rill ]lave, a cliauge in the preser~tstate of things. If there be any nmong the nliddle and

2 10 LACOUR'S WRONGS ANDup1)er classes who aspire to no higher gratifications thanthose which they now enjoy-who find existence, as it is,wit11 no void unfilletl, no yearnings unsatisfi cd, no dark ordoubtful filturity-such men will call all social changesvisionary ; but if these ilivisions of society, surrouniled asthey are by every thing thnt ingenuity and labour can create,feel that n;lture requires the exercise of otl~er powersthan those of the stomach-that there are within them thegerms of faculties and feelings that now find no soil in~vhiclr to grow-that future security has no firm foundation-theyn~ill listen \vhcti a change is spoken of; they\rill inquire into the nature antl intent of life, with all itsfaculties and capacities, and tl~cy ~irill confess that there ismuch in the present system which needs revision andnmentlment-that tltere is n1ucJ1 wanting, and n~uc?~ lvltichought to bc altogether annillilated.In whatever way the existing system of separate inclividualinterests is coml)arctl with tlle systcnl of combinetlindividual interests, tile superiority of tl~c latter is al)parentin its every modification. If general 1)11ysical comfortnnd security from want be all that is desired, the systemof community of possessions and eqnality of rights is theproper system-if tlte uniform practice of charity ancl morality,and the absence of all incentives to ill-will, and the~iniversal spread of social love, have anything to do 154th asocial system, then is the system of cornrnunity of possessionsa desirable system-if the advancement of scienceand art, tlie proper cultivation and exercise of the intellec- ,tual fitculties, and the existence of facilities for carryinginto effect every regulation wl~ich matured wisdom can devise,be desirable in a social system, then is the system ofcommunity of possessions the best of all systems.89en have hitherto endcavouretl to incite each other togooil actions merely by inculcating the principles of justiceand morality. Surroundin,rr circun~stances-all tlie motivesto goor1 and to bad practices-have never been takeninto the account; and as, under the present constitutionof society, the majority of circunlstartces are unfavourableto the practice of the principles inculcated, these principlesare necessarily ineflicacious, and all but useless. Befwemen can control action, they must control the incentivesto action ; for principles arc valuable only iu yroportionas they can be acted upon, and as they apply to thenrants and exigencies of mankind. From the common constitutionof things, and their action and re-action uponeach other, it is certain that every man has l~is price-thatthere is a boundary beyoatl whicl~ allurements cannot be resisted-thatthe abseucc of an adequate temptation is thecomnlou preserverof all l~onest men. Principle and profit,therefore, must ever be on one side; for if they be opposed,there can I)e no stability in character, no safe clcpendenwon virtue, no certainty that morality will al~vays be triumphant.Experience proves the truth of this assertion,Ilorrever mortifying it may be to human vanity; for neithermorality nor religion, of then~selves, are capable of impellil~gmen, on all occasions, " to do as tltey mould be doneby.'' Almost every circu~ustnncc by mlric11 me11 :ire trowsr~rrouncied hourly incites tl,crn to break tlirol~gh theobserva~~cc of tl~is great I:L\V, I~o\rever principle tu;r!. sp~lrthen1 on to its fi~lfiltnent ; all(], tllcreforc, u111ess tl~esc circumstanccsbe cotttrolled and dircctctl so as to condocc tothe end tlesired, ~)rinci~)lc will I)e oftener heart1 of from tlremoutl~s than perceircrl ill tlre nctiorrs of II~~II. The principlesof justice and equality .rvhich have been already consitlered,will thus create and control circumstauces favourableto the practice of morality and charity, and tlrerebyrender it more easy for men to do as they would be doneby, than to adopt a contrary course.Many persons, taking :L view of the present condition ofsociety just as uarro'tv as that of the economists antl politicians,ascribe most of tl~existing evils to the absence ofknowledge amongst tlre people ; ancl, to supply this one thingneedful, they mould establish a national system of education,and confer on all Inen the power of reatling and writing.As present evils, l~owever, tlepenrl on the present constltutionof society, knowletlge alorle \rill not lrave the po\rrerto re~nedy tllen~, so long as this corlstitrltion is maintainetl.Physical con~fort is the only base on ~vltich popular contentmentand social Ilarmony can be reared, and. tlre olrlyfi)untiatiolr on whicll linon~letlge and morality can have apermanent existence, and v,orli out tl~eir proper results.Tlre cultivation of the intellect-the creation of newwants and wishes-so far from rendering tl~e body insensibleto toil and privation, and tlie n>ind callolls to degradationantl injury, \\.ill iufinitely increase tlleir susceptibilityto all tl~ese impressions, and render irlsupportable that

212 LABOUR'S WRONGS ANDwhich mas once an almost rrnconscious burthen. Icnow-Iedge will conduce to the advancement of virtue andmorality only while it is allied to conlparative ease of condition: if the condition remain stationary, and tlte knorvledgeand the wants go forward, vice and crime will likewiseprogress, for they are more dependent on physical discomfortthan on ignorance. The cliseontentment of menarises from the inadequacy of their means to satisfy theirwants; and everything ~vhich tends to multiply wantswithout likewise multiplying means-which disturbs theequilibrium naturally existing in connection with a lowscale of animal and intellectual existe11cewi11 lead tosocial convulsions, and the subversion of existing systems.Every political demonstration, and every trades' union combination,are no more than the worltings of intellect toraise the physical to the intellectual man-to increase themeans to the wants-to enable conception and execution tokeep pace with each otltcr.While some of tlte advocates for political changes boldlyconfess that no beneficial measure can be obtained unlessthe people have recourse to violence, others maintain thateverything may ~lltimately be acquired by,persuasion. Thepossession of political ower will, or will not, benefit theworking class. If it go benefit them, why are the work.i ~ men g of republican America in the situation described?-and if it be of no use, why should it be contencled forin preference to all other things ? Let it he supposed thatuniversal suffrage and all the other political requisites are 'obtained-that every member of Parliament is sent byworking men, and is l~irnself a working man-suppositionsall but impossible to exist conjointly. SO long as theHouse of Lords and the Crown form part of the government,a parliament of this kind ~vould be fettered in everymovement, sntl every act would be null and void. I;et itthen be supposed that these two great obstacIes to politicalimprovement are removed, and that a11 governmental poweris vested in the prod~rctive population-a supposition moreimprobable than any of the preceding. One of the first actsof a government thus constituted would be to interferebetween the employer and the employed. Lams would bemade to increase wages and decrease the hours of labour-machinery mould in many cases be put do~vn-the powerof refusing employment, to obnoxious persons would beLABOUR'S REMEDY. 213taken from the employer-and the commercial regulationsof society would be subject toperpetual variations to meetthe of particular classes of producers. ill1these would be social changes-they would affe,t the relativepositioll of the classes now constituting society, withoutremedying the evils dependent on this division-andproduction mould be carried on by complicated and everchangingarrangements-alternately depressing one classand exalting another, and malting soc~ety a hot-bed fortyranny and hatred.All the changes contended for by the politicians ortile trades' unionists, must, to be effective, interfere withthe existing arrangements of society, and thus would be, inreality, social cltnnges. It is as plainly perceived by thethat s~~clt mould be the case, as it is perceived bytltcm that tllc worliman is tliscolltented with his lot. Thewitots and wishes of tl~e prodncers are seen in all theiractions, and sl~inc forth in all their movements. Suchbeing tlte case-seeing nothing before hi~n but the seizureof llis property ant1 the subversion of his authority if theworking men obtaiu political power-is it to be supposedthat the capitalist will put a weapon into the hands of hisnatural enemy-that he will, by giving political power tohis serf, nln the risk of losing his own station and accumulatiortswithout any equivalent ? Little is known of humannature by those who suppose that the capitalists or theirgovernment will commit such a suicidal act mtless compelledby the physical force of their atlversaries. The intcllectualpowers of the workman are I~eld in so muchcontempt-he and his capacities are so thoronghly deridedand despised by the other classes of society-that everythingcalculated to benetit him in the remotest degree, orto take anything from the dominion of the capitalist, millbe withhelil untll the last moment that it can be retainedwit11 safety to the powers that be. Thns, as politicalpower, of itself, would be so unrvieldy a weapon in tltehands of the working man-as every probability is againstthe acquisition of such power by any means short of physicalforce-it cannot for a motnent be weighed against thesafer and more equitable mode of going at once into thatstnte of community which must ultimately be the end ofall these other changes ; and this can be done by meansof purchase, without the application of force or the accompanimentof civil commotion.

In regarding any nntf every ren~edy whiclr real or pretendedfriends may ofer to them, the \rorlcing class shouldtake a broad and coniprellensive vicn. of their present positionas a whole-tlre amount of their toil, their dependenceon and subjection to otller classes, the inadequacy of theirremuuerltion, and their i)robable condition in old age-andtest all these remedies by the influence which tlley arellliely to exert on this position. Wllen the producer istoltl to seelc for t11e acquisition of political power-to contendfor this or that particular gavel-nmental measureheshould inquire of all xr ho n.oultl tli~.ect ?rim :-

tire classes nre brought to direct their attention to Asocial instead of a governmental change-as they begin tounite their scattered forces, and to atlopt means for carryingtheir objects into executiou-as all these preparatorymovements are going forward, many false prophets and interestedadvisers will rise up and endeavour to mislead anddelude the people. When, likewise, the nature and magnitudeof the end to be attained is considered-when it is~iemed in connection with the present composition ofsociety, and the ruthless and sanguinary character of thegovernments \vhich arise from society thus constitntedtherecan be no doubt that senatorial harangues and pulpitfulminations will follow each other in quick sacccssiorlagainst all innovators of existing usages. The page ofhistory, fraught wit11 many a brutal ant1 bloody record ofpsernmental despotism, gives warning, also, that, whenvituperation shall have exhaustcil all its rnatcria!~ in condemnationof a social change, the weightier arguments ofthe cannon and the musltet will not be fur of. Considerationsaf this character, however, do not concern theinquirer after truth, nor do they in any way invaliclate theprinciples which he may bring to view. Individuals havenot the power to decide in ~vl~at manner particular changesshall be nccomplished. Placing their trust in principles,tlley calmly await the issue of events. There are manifestationson all sides which tell men, in accents not to bemisunderstood, that the eIements of mighty changes areat work ; and, whatever may be the immediate prospect,there are to be seen harbingers of brighter and bettertimes. The light of Mind is beaming through the gloomyboundaries of the Age of Might, and ushering in the Ageof Right !THE END.