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Aboriginal Waterways Assessment program

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54 <strong>Aboriginal</strong> <strong>Waterways</strong> <strong>Assessment</strong> — Part C Literature review<br />

Literature review (summary)<br />

<strong>Assessment</strong> and Indigenous knowledge — what do we know from other research?<br />

Forty sources were analysed for the<br />

literature review. <strong>Aboriginal</strong> scholars<br />

and practitioners authored 19 in part<br />

or in full.<br />

The review begins by accounting<br />

for Traditional Owners’ customary<br />

authority in the Basin to hold and<br />

use water assessment knowledge in<br />

customary terms. This is followed<br />

by a brief description of the difficult<br />

regulatory history and context in<br />

which this customary authority<br />

struggles to be recognised.<br />

The literature leads to a finding<br />

that while statutory recognition of<br />

<strong>Aboriginal</strong> rights and expertise in<br />

water planning and management in<br />

Australia is very recent, there is a<br />

clear realisation by regulators and<br />

scholars that:<br />

• recognising Traditional Owners’<br />

expertise in water is essential<br />

to significantly improve water<br />

management and planning practices<br />

• there is early work taking place to<br />

practically increase recognition,<br />

and improve water planning and<br />

management for <strong>Aboriginal</strong> and<br />

non-<strong>Aboriginal</strong> interests.<br />

Authors maintain that for such<br />

gains to be realised, <strong>Aboriginal</strong><br />

participation needs to be culturally<br />

safe. At the core of the design and<br />

use of assessment tools and practices,<br />

cultural safety involves two-way<br />

learning so that <strong>Aboriginal</strong> worldviews<br />

regarding a systemic approach<br />

to flow management within current<br />

regulatory and technical frameworks<br />

can be understood and safely included<br />

in western water planning.<br />

Comparative studies in New Zealand,<br />

India and Brunei Darussalam illustrate<br />

that, while separated by distance and<br />

experiencing very different histories<br />

of colonisation, Indigenous knowledge<br />

systems in relationship to water<br />

management show strong correlations<br />

with each other.<br />

These similarities arise from a direct<br />

relationship between ecosystem<br />

characteristics and peoples’<br />

livelihoods. Riverine seasonal<br />

flow regimes are included in these<br />

relationships in everyday life.<br />

This direct relationship produces a<br />

‘heuristic’ form of knowledge, which<br />

is a different order of knowledge<br />

(epistemology) to a technical form of<br />

knowledge as used in western water<br />

planning and management.<br />

The literature informs us that heuristic<br />

knowledge comes about (in the<br />

context of Indigenous participation in<br />

assessing riverine health) by a person<br />

being situated in the environment and<br />

using attuned skills of observation<br />

over extended time scales. These skills<br />

are required to use resources from<br />

the ecosystem without extinguishing<br />

the capacity of resources to maintain<br />

a level of regeneration that will<br />

continue to sustain life.<br />

This ‘situated science’ develops both<br />

intuition to know the patterns of how<br />

an ecosystem functions, and cultural<br />

practices of transmitting this science<br />

for maintaining a balance between<br />

human and natural viability. Such<br />

knowledge is given sacred meaning<br />

because of its close association with<br />

maintaining life. It is also used in<br />

the cultural practices of harvesting<br />

and using water-related resources in<br />

ceremonial and everyday life.<br />

Indigenous knowledge systems do<br />

not separate out elements of an

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