Aboriginal Waterways Assessment program
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54 <strong>Aboriginal</strong> <strong>Waterways</strong> <strong>Assessment</strong> — Part C Literature review<br />
Literature review (summary)<br />
<strong>Assessment</strong> and Indigenous knowledge — what do we know from other research?<br />
Forty sources were analysed for the<br />
literature review. <strong>Aboriginal</strong> scholars<br />
and practitioners authored 19 in part<br />
or in full.<br />
The review begins by accounting<br />
for Traditional Owners’ customary<br />
authority in the Basin to hold and<br />
use water assessment knowledge in<br />
customary terms. This is followed<br />
by a brief description of the difficult<br />
regulatory history and context in<br />
which this customary authority<br />
struggles to be recognised.<br />
The literature leads to a finding<br />
that while statutory recognition of<br />
<strong>Aboriginal</strong> rights and expertise in<br />
water planning and management in<br />
Australia is very recent, there is a<br />
clear realisation by regulators and<br />
scholars that:<br />
• recognising Traditional Owners’<br />
expertise in water is essential<br />
to significantly improve water<br />
management and planning practices<br />
• there is early work taking place to<br />
practically increase recognition,<br />
and improve water planning and<br />
management for <strong>Aboriginal</strong> and<br />
non-<strong>Aboriginal</strong> interests.<br />
Authors maintain that for such<br />
gains to be realised, <strong>Aboriginal</strong><br />
participation needs to be culturally<br />
safe. At the core of the design and<br />
use of assessment tools and practices,<br />
cultural safety involves two-way<br />
learning so that <strong>Aboriginal</strong> worldviews<br />
regarding a systemic approach<br />
to flow management within current<br />
regulatory and technical frameworks<br />
can be understood and safely included<br />
in western water planning.<br />
Comparative studies in New Zealand,<br />
India and Brunei Darussalam illustrate<br />
that, while separated by distance and<br />
experiencing very different histories<br />
of colonisation, Indigenous knowledge<br />
systems in relationship to water<br />
management show strong correlations<br />
with each other.<br />
These similarities arise from a direct<br />
relationship between ecosystem<br />
characteristics and peoples’<br />
livelihoods. Riverine seasonal<br />
flow regimes are included in these<br />
relationships in everyday life.<br />
This direct relationship produces a<br />
‘heuristic’ form of knowledge, which<br />
is a different order of knowledge<br />
(epistemology) to a technical form of<br />
knowledge as used in western water<br />
planning and management.<br />
The literature informs us that heuristic<br />
knowledge comes about (in the<br />
context of Indigenous participation in<br />
assessing riverine health) by a person<br />
being situated in the environment and<br />
using attuned skills of observation<br />
over extended time scales. These skills<br />
are required to use resources from<br />
the ecosystem without extinguishing<br />
the capacity of resources to maintain<br />
a level of regeneration that will<br />
continue to sustain life.<br />
This ‘situated science’ develops both<br />
intuition to know the patterns of how<br />
an ecosystem functions, and cultural<br />
practices of transmitting this science<br />
for maintaining a balance between<br />
human and natural viability. Such<br />
knowledge is given sacred meaning<br />
because of its close association with<br />
maintaining life. It is also used in<br />
the cultural practices of harvesting<br />
and using water-related resources in<br />
ceremonial and everyday life.<br />
Indigenous knowledge systems do<br />
not separate out elements of an