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Aboriginal Waterways Assessment program

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<strong>Aboriginal</strong> <strong>Waterways</strong> <strong>Assessment</strong> — Part C Literature review 61<br />

PART C<br />

assessment are not ‘indigenous’ to<br />

Australia, the literature is sparse<br />

with regard to Indigenous water<br />

knowledge and its explication<br />

through diagnostic tools.<br />

Commentators observe that while there<br />

may be differences between Indigenous<br />

and western forms of assessment,<br />

such as assessing water to be potable<br />

depending on contaminate load as<br />

compared to its spiritual pollution,<br />

western and <strong>Aboriginal</strong> sciences<br />

regarding Indigenous cultural uses and<br />

ecosystem health largely converge (Tipa<br />

& Teirney, 2006; Watts, 2012).<br />

A key issue of contention is the inability<br />

of non-Indigenous natural resource<br />

sciences and their related policy<br />

environments to see Country as an<br />

integrated set of systems on multiple<br />

levels of dimensions including, people,<br />

water and culture (Guilfoyle et al, 2009).<br />

Jackson et al (2015) advise that<br />

considerations must be given to<br />

a ‘systems’ view of flow regimes,<br />

consistent with <strong>Aboriginal</strong> worldviews.<br />

For example:<br />

• the interactions between extended<br />

time frames<br />

• a broad range of locations for<br />

observations to allow for a<br />

systemic understanding<br />

• a considered use of local <strong>Aboriginal</strong><br />

knowledge with western sciences<br />

• sustained dialogue and negotiation<br />

regarding scientific inquiry.<br />

Maclean and the Banna Yarralji Bub<br />

(2015) promote the use of ‘boundary<br />

objects’ — artefacts that are developed<br />

at the meeting places of two culturally<br />

distinctive ways of seeing the world<br />

and working. Their argument is that<br />

products such as a report (or in the<br />

case of this project, a diagnostic tool)<br />

that is framed as a boundary object can<br />

do the work of translating <strong>Aboriginal</strong><br />

knowledge, values and management<br />

interests to maintain cultural<br />

integrity in non-Indigenous planning<br />

environments.<br />

In most cases these settings continue<br />

to omit spiritual, social and customary<br />

objectives, even when <strong>Aboriginal</strong><br />

peoples provide planners with the<br />

information to do so (p. 143). The<br />

authors note that other benefits<br />

of using boundary objects include<br />

recording <strong>Aboriginal</strong> cultural knowledge<br />

for <strong>Aboriginal</strong> peoples’ benefit.<br />

Participants using Indigenous<br />

approaches to natural resource<br />

management cannot lose sight of the<br />

realities of history, and the policy<br />

and legislative environments in which<br />

their assessments are taking place<br />

(Ross and Ward, 2009).<br />

Hunt (2013) reviews <strong>Aboriginal</strong><br />

participation in government and<br />

business activities in consideration of<br />

policy, history and relationship with<br />

Country and recommends:<br />

• an appreciation of, and the<br />

cultural competency to respond to,<br />

Indigenous history, cultures and<br />

contemporary social dynamics,<br />

and the diversity of Indigenous<br />

communities: valuing the cultural<br />

skills and knowledge of community<br />

organisations and Indigenous people<br />

• clarity about the purpose and the<br />

relevant scale for engagement, which<br />

may call for multi-layered processes:<br />

engagement needs to relate to<br />

Indigenous concepts of wellbeing<br />

• long-term relationships of trust,<br />

respect and honesty as well as<br />

accessible, ongoing communication<br />

and information<br />

• effective governance and capacity<br />

within both the Indigenous<br />

community and governments<br />

themselves

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