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Splintered Lives - Barnardo's

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PAGE 14<br />

chapter<br />

5<br />

Defining sexual exploitation<br />

of children<br />

With any concern a key issue is definition of the area/problem; it constitutes the grounds<br />

for both consensus and disagreement. In the area of sexual abuse in childhood 'what<br />

counts' varies both between, and often also within, legal, research, policy, media and<br />

individual definitions. It is, for example, extremely unlikely that survivors and offenders<br />

would define sexual abuse in similar ways.<br />

Finding or creating a uniformly agreed definition is likely to prove a fruitless task; but it is<br />

possible to illustrate what a more and less inclusive definition would encompass. We<br />

have noted earlier that the sexual exploitation of children is not easily separable from<br />

other forms of sexual abuse in childhood, since it can be present within ongoing abuse<br />

by family member/known adult as well as independently of this; it can occur in single<br />

and multiple offender contexts. For these reasons we regard it as dangerous to create<br />

classifications of sexual abuse which are constructed as mutually exclusive categories.<br />

Whilst conceptualisation enables an increasing recognition of the various forms of<br />

sexual abuse, the contexts they occur in and the consequences they have, we need to<br />

bear in mind that these are analytical categories, and the boundaries created are often<br />

artificial. Awareness of the tensions between definitions is essential if we are to make<br />

sense of the research, policy and practice to date, and to explore future directions. This<br />

section, therefore, explores the complex issues involved in defining sexual exploitation<br />

of children. The titles for both the London and Brussels conferences which have<br />

influenced this document were called 'Child Pornography and Sexual Exploitation'. An<br />

unintentional distinction is thus made between the elements, and this was also<br />

noticeable in the presentations. The danger here is that both prostitution and trafficking<br />

are neglected and that the links between forms of sexual exploitation are missed.<br />

Indeed in the last decade a noticeable difference of emphasis has arisen, where in the<br />

west the focus has been on child pornography whilst in developing countries more<br />

emphasis has been placed on child prostitution and trafficking. Whilst these may reflect<br />

differential incidence rates, we must beware the danger of constructing the very<br />

problem we are supposed to be investigating - in other words do we only find what we<br />

expect to see?<br />

There was marked discomfort in the Brussels seminar to attempts to broaden the<br />

definition of sexual exploitation - through reference to familial contexts in which child<br />

pornography is produced and children may be prostituted. Some participants wanted to<br />

maintain the 'commercial' element in the definition (see later in this chapter for more<br />

detailed discussion). This was mirrored in Nigel Cantwell's (1995) suggestion that<br />

approaches to the issue ought to be linked to the child labour provisions of the UN<br />

convention; his definition was a "severe form of exploitative child labour". Underlying<br />

this suggestion was a desire to shift attention from 'sex' to exploitation. This may make<br />

the issue easier to deal with for many, but to do so would result in a loss, rather than<br />

gain, of perspective. The motivations of ruthless entrepreneurs are not the same as<br />

those of child abusers, and it is precisely the exploitative use of sexuality which<br />

underlies many of the impacts of sexual exploitation (see chapter 8). Whilst there are<br />

undoubtedly fruitful discussions and alliances which can occur internationally in relation<br />

to child labour and sexual exploitation, reducing the latter to a particular form of the

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