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Splintered Lives - Barnardo's

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Maggie O'Neill's (1995) action research project in Nottingham is an important source for<br />

understanding the complexity of some young women's entry into, and continued<br />

presence in prostitution. She argues that the variable and changing combinations of<br />

financial and emotional needs, coercion and association have to be understood and<br />

unpicked, if we are to make sense of why young people not only enter, but also remain<br />

in the sex industry (see, also Hoigard and Finstad, 1992).<br />

Association/economic need are often presented as differing and separate reasons for<br />

women's entry into prostitution. This is too simple, and does not reflect the<br />

complexity of many women's lives. For some women coercion and association led to<br />

their entry, but economic need keeps them there as a well as a sub-culture of similar<br />

and significant others. For others economic need led to their involvement but<br />

coercion and sub-cultural entrenchment keeps them there. The sub-cultural aspect is<br />

an important consideration; a sense of belonging to the network, friends who<br />

understand and do not judge, and feeling needed and wanted are centrally related to<br />

understanding women's continued involvement in prostitution (p11).<br />

Her work also highlights the particular problem of young care leavers (see also<br />

Linehan,1994).<br />

Some are young women who drift into prostitution on leaving care because of<br />

financial problems and their association with the street culture; others are clearly<br />

pimped and coerced into prostitution whilst in care through developing 'romantic'<br />

relationships with local pimps. All of these young women have profoundly sad<br />

backgrounds: child sexual abuse; physical and emotional abuse; family breakdowns;<br />

multiple placements in care. These result in extreme vulnerability and emotional<br />

neediness, since their needs have not been met within the organisation of residential<br />

care despite some very committed staff (p9).<br />

Linehan (1994) reports on estimates that 80% of 'rent boys' and 50% of young women<br />

working as prostitutes in London have been in local authority care, and notes the failure<br />

of Children Act provisions in relation to care leavers. A number of children's advocacy<br />

organisations have argued that the increased involvement of 16-18 year olds from the<br />

late 1980s is a direct consequence of the removal of an automatic right to income<br />

maintenance.<br />

A joint 1992 Police Foundation and National Children's Home (NCH) study (reported in<br />

Davies 1994a) of British children surviving on the streets echoes this, and Davies himself<br />

comments: '<br />

It always begins with the poverty of their origins, it moves through the bleak housing<br />

estate, the single parent, the whole family trapped by income support. It usually<br />

includes abuse - sometimes physical, sometimes sexual always psychological. It<br />

PAGE 61<br />

chapter<br />

9

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