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Splintered Lives - Barnardo's

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PAGE 44<br />

chapter<br />

7<br />

Sex tourism and sexual abuse of children<br />

Whilst child abusers have no doubt travelled to target children for decades, awareness<br />

of 'sex tourism', and the implication of white western men in abuse of Southeast Asian<br />

women and children has emerged over the last decade and particularly in the 1990s<br />

(Christian Aid, 1995; Ireland, 1993; O'Connell Davidson, 1995, Truong, 1990, Wilson,<br />

1995).<br />

The growth and internationalisation of the sex industry in Southeast Asia begins with<br />

American military bases, and the Korean and Vietnam wars. All military commands<br />

have taken it for granted that troops need sexual outlets, including - and perhaps<br />

especially - during war. Thus, ensuring sexual access to women has always been part of<br />

military strategy. How this has been effected varies according to the location, and to<br />

some extent local cultures. In the case of Southeast Asia it was possible to recruit local<br />

women, since a bar culture already existed, as did an indigenous public sex industry<br />

(Enloe, 1989, Truong, 1990). The earliest growth was in the Philippines around the US<br />

naval bases. Western soldiers undoubtedly viewed Asian women through racist<br />

stereotypes which constructed them as exotic: sexually sophisticated and/or innocent<br />

and child-like.<br />

The next phase in the story involves a different strand of imperialism: international<br />

economic policy as determined by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.<br />

Following loan defaults and economic crises, from the 1970s onwards all new loans or<br />

re-scheduling of old ones, involved stringent conditions being attached, including what<br />

are known as 'structural adjustment' plans. Thus all kinds of requirements, targets and<br />

goals - political and social as well as economic - were specified and repayments were to<br />

be made in 'hard' currency, usually US dollars. These policies tied countries into global<br />

capitalism and gave the West enormous power to determine agricultural, industrial and<br />

social policies; to decide what the 'strengths' or 'assets' countries should develop were.<br />

The 'unspoilt' beauty and warm climates were frequently defined as 'assets' to be<br />

developed through tourism. The presence of a developed sex industry was often<br />

implicitly, but even at times explicitly, seen as a tourist resource (Truong, 1990).<br />

These strands of 'development' policy, combined with the neglect of rural areas and a<br />

shift from subsistence to cash crop farming fundamentally changed local economies<br />

(Enloe, 1989). In the absence of other options tourism drew in many young women to<br />

the sex industry from rural areas. The dislocation which always accompanies rapid<br />

social change has also resulted in the phenomenon of 'street children': children who<br />

have to find ways to survive anyway they can. It is these children, and some who are<br />

trafficked within or from outside countries, who are the majority of those involved in<br />

prostitution and pornography in South East Asia and Latin America. Recent reports have<br />

highlighted that there are hardly any girls in some rural villages in the Philippines and<br />

Thailand, so many of them have been recruited either honestly or deceitfully into the<br />

sex industry (O'Grady, 1994). The custom of US soldiers has been increasingly<br />

enhanced by relatively wealthy Western men, who either make their own way or are<br />

participants in organised sex tours. The institutionalisation of sex tourism is illustrated

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