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Prevention of Right-Wing Extremism, Xenophobia and Racism in ...

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control is very strong because “everybody knows everybody” <strong>in</strong> a village, this very social fa-<br />

miliarity <strong>of</strong>ten entails that no one says anyth<strong>in</strong>g for fear <strong>of</strong> social exclusion.Municipalities can<br />

break through this <strong>in</strong>difference if civic commitment <strong>and</strong> action is <strong>in</strong>itiated via the formation <strong>of</strong><br />

coord<strong>in</strong>ated groups aga<strong>in</strong>st right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremism <strong>and</strong> violence (“round tables”) with broad-<br />

based political support, <strong>and</strong> if these groups are publicly visible. Sensitized perception <strong>and</strong><br />

awareness can also be triggered by reports <strong>in</strong> regional or national media, even if this is ma<strong>in</strong>ly<br />

because people are concerned to repair the damaged to the image <strong>of</strong> their communities.<br />

In comparison with other countries <strong>in</strong> Europe, the case <strong>of</strong> Switzerl<strong>and</strong> therefore seems to<br />

supply different <strong>in</strong>itial conditions for right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremism. It neither has a history that would<br />

h<strong>and</strong> down National Socialist ideas to broad levels <strong>of</strong> society nor a culture <strong>of</strong> resistance <strong>in</strong> the<br />

sense <strong>of</strong> the resistance movement <strong>in</strong> France or Italy. It also does not have an economic situation<br />

<strong>in</strong> which one could speak <strong>of</strong> youth unemployment as fertile ground for right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremist<br />

developments. The unemployment rate among youth <strong>in</strong> Switzerl<strong>and</strong> is not only consider-<br />

ably lower than <strong>in</strong> neighbour<strong>in</strong>g countries, but it also ma<strong>in</strong>ly affects youth <strong>of</strong> foreign orig<strong>in</strong>.<br />

That right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremism <strong>and</strong> xenophobia are fi rst <strong>and</strong> foremost a rural <strong>and</strong> prov<strong>in</strong>cial<br />

problem <strong>in</strong> Switzerl<strong>and</strong> (see Haenni Hoti, Hoti, <strong>in</strong> press) is <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e with the pr<strong>in</strong>ciple that the smaller<br />

the percentage <strong>of</strong> immigrants the higher the degree <strong>of</strong> xenophobia (see Schubarth, 1991).<br />

Because right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremist youth <strong>in</strong> Switzerl<strong>and</strong> are socially <strong>in</strong>tegrated <strong>and</strong> characterized<br />

by the normality <strong>of</strong> their biographies <strong>and</strong> family environments (see <strong>in</strong>terim results <strong>of</strong> a study<br />

by Gabriel, 2005), they have solid social ties (family, workplace, membership <strong>in</strong> clubs, <strong>and</strong> so<br />

on) that they as a rule do not want to risk los<strong>in</strong>g. For this reason, civic efforts <strong>in</strong> opposition<br />

to right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremism constitute <strong>in</strong>tervention <strong>and</strong> sanction<strong>in</strong>g possibilities. When public<br />

op<strong>in</strong>ion becomes sensitized, right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremist groups are seen <strong>in</strong> a negative light, become<br />

a problem, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> some cases experience the withdrawal <strong>of</strong> social approval. This pressure<br />

towards social adaptation, together with <strong>in</strong>creased police repression, usually leads to both<br />

a break down <strong>of</strong> the right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremist scene <strong>and</strong> reduction <strong>of</strong> the recruitment potential <strong>of</strong><br />

right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremist groups.<br />

In sum, right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremism <strong>in</strong> rural areas <strong>and</strong> small towns calls for different countermeascountermeas-<br />

ures than than right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremism <strong>in</strong> cities. While social control factors act as a brake, latent<br />

approval <strong>and</strong> a lack <strong>of</strong> read<strong>in</strong>ess to report to the police provide an impetus to the right-w<strong>in</strong>g<br />

extremist scene scene <strong>in</strong> rural areas <strong>and</strong> small towns.<br />

Further developments needed<br />

The recommendations <strong>of</strong> report on <strong>Right</strong>-<strong>W<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>Extremism</strong> <strong>and</strong> Help for Exit (D’Amato & Gerber,<br />

2002) are based on expert statements. The experts strongly recommend build<strong>in</strong>g structures<br />

with<strong>in</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g regional network consist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> schools, police forces, <strong>and</strong> social workers, while<br />

rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g m<strong>in</strong>dful <strong>of</strong> the federal system <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d. One <strong>of</strong> the ma<strong>in</strong> problems they have encoun-<br />

tered is that local expert knowledge is fairly spread over the regional borders. Moreover, Swiss<br />

knowledge <strong>of</strong> right-w<strong>in</strong>g extremism is not very pr<strong>of</strong>ound on the micro level. As a consequence<br />

it is diffi cult to <strong>in</strong>tervene adequately. Above all, the experts th<strong>in</strong>k that street-based social work<br />

The Special Case <strong>of</strong> Switzerl<strong>and</strong><br />

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