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the damaged male and the contemporary american war film

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assertions of America’s lost innocence. The ability for US mass culture to encounter public<br />

collective traumas <strong>and</strong> effectively erase <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> create a collective amnesia is remarkable.<br />

US culture is stuck in a perpetual loop oscillating between <strong>damaged</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n swiftly<br />

recuperated innocence. This manufactures <strong>the</strong> condition whereby in <strong>the</strong> context of a<br />

government that enacts ‘imperialist <strong>and</strong> unilateralist ventures’, Americans ‘see <strong>the</strong>mselves as<br />

innocent <strong>and</strong> passive victims, ra<strong>the</strong>r than aggressors, in relation to world politics.’ 51<br />

The maintenance of this self-perception is an act performed by <strong>contemporary</strong> Hollywood <strong>war</strong><br />

<strong>film</strong>s. In fact, <strong>the</strong>y go fur<strong>the</strong>r, not just stressing <strong>the</strong> victimized nature of <strong>the</strong> US <strong>male</strong> soldier,<br />

but also specifically <strong>and</strong> pleasurably offering up his suffering <strong>and</strong> torment for consumption.<br />

These fantasies <strong>and</strong> pleasures aid <strong>the</strong> entrenchment of an exceptionalist 52 account of <strong>the</strong> US’s<br />

global status, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> exceptional nature of American pain <strong>and</strong> victimhood. This entrenchment<br />

is achieved through a central privileging of <strong>the</strong> white <strong>damaged</strong> <strong>male</strong>, rendering his ruination<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> mise-en-scene of his crisis pleasurable. It is also achieved through narratively<br />

coercing spectators into privileging US accounts of victimized subjectivity <strong>and</strong> national<br />

identity (for example, focusing on <strong>the</strong> guilt of soldiers, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> people <strong>the</strong>y have<br />

killed).<br />

It is specifically where <strong>the</strong> white <strong>male</strong> figures in US fantasies of victimhood that is of crucial<br />

concern to this <strong>the</strong>sis, since as stated previously, <strong>the</strong> premier emotive trope for emblematising<br />

<strong>and</strong> offering up <strong>the</strong> <strong>damaged</strong>, victimised <strong>male</strong> as spectacle <strong>and</strong> political tool is <strong>the</strong> American<br />

51 Ibid., 7<br />

52 Earlier defined as <strong>the</strong> doctrine by which <strong>the</strong> US asserts itself as ‘an extraordinary nation with a special role to<br />

play in human history; not only unique but superior among nations’ <strong>and</strong>, according to Kaplan, as ‘<strong>the</strong> apo<strong>the</strong>osis<br />

of <strong>the</strong> nation-form itself <strong>and</strong> as a model for <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong> world’. So <strong>the</strong> specialty or uniqueness of <strong>the</strong> US is<br />

partly founded on its self-belief in a perfected model of government <strong>and</strong> state organization. See Trevor<br />

McCrisken, American Exceptionalism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Legacy of Vietnam: US Foreign Policy since 1974 (Basingstoke:<br />

Palgrave MacMillan, 2003), 1, <strong>and</strong> Amy Kaplan The Anarchy of Empire in <strong>the</strong> Making of US Culture<br />

(Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2002), 16<br />

18

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